Timor-Leste tama ba kategoria tier-2 konaba trafiku-umanu

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EastTimor Human trafficking, Human trafficking in Timor-Leste, Timor trafficking polices, Timor-Leste

Timor-Leste Tama ba Klasifikasaun Tier 2 (Watch List) Konaba Trafiku-Umanu: Diskusaun no Rekomendasaun Ruma

Husi: Flavio Simoes

Introdusaun
Artigu ida ne’e relasiona ho klasifikaun Timor-Leste (sei refere ba oin ho naran TIMOR de’it) nian foin dadauan ne’ebe koloka husi Departamentu Estadu (Department of State) Estadus Unidus Amerika (EUA) iha nia relatoriu relasiona ho krime trafiku-umanu/human trafficking ho titulu Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report 2014 ne’ebe publika iha fulan Junhu nia laran.

Atu informa uluk leitor sira, iha definisaun oioin relasiona ho trafiku-umanu, maibe definisaun ida komum liu iha lian Ingles maka; ‘… an act of recruiting, transporting, transferring, harbouring or receiving a person through a use of force, coercion or other means, for the purpose of exploiting them …’/‘Hahalok ne’ebe relasiona ho rekrutamentu, transportasaun, transferensia no fornese alojamentu no simu ema ida ho forsa, koersaun no meius sira seluk, ho finalidadi atu esplora sira.’

Tuir lei EUA nian, Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 (TVPA), fo dalan ba Estadu EUA atu klasifika nasaun sira iha mundu relasiona ho sira nia meius, esforsu no vontade politika atu kombate trafiku-umanu. Teknikamente, iha kategoria 4 (ha’at) hanesan tuir mai ne’e;

Tier 1: Nasaun sira ne’ebe kompletamente tuir padraun minimu TVPA nian hodi elimina krime trafiku umanu;
Tier 2: Nasaun ne’ebe la kompletamente tuir padraun minimu TVPA, maibe halo hela esforsu signifikativu atu kombate krime ne’e;
Tier 2 (watch list): Ida ne’e maka kategoria tranzisional ba Tier 3. Ida ne’e hodi klasifika nasaun ne’ebe ho numeru vitima sae ba beibeik, ka nasaun sira ne’ebe la fornese evidensia husi sira nia esforsu atu responde ka la hatudu esforsu atu bele hasa’e ninia kapasidadi hodi kombate krime ida ne’e;
Tier 3: Nasaun sira ne’ebe la kompletamente tuir TVPA nia padraun minimu no la halo esforsu signifikativu ruma atu kombate krime ne’e.

Diskusaun Konaba Signifikativu Husi Kategoria Sira Ne’e no Nia Impaktu Ruma

Husi kategoria sira iha leten, signifika katak Tier 3 maka kategoria ida grave liu iha kategoria sira ne’e hotu, no tuir relatoriu refere, iha tinan 2014 Timor hetan rebaixamentu ba Tier 2 (Watch list) tamba mesmu iha meius barak halo ona, inklui halo prosesu konsultu ho ema-barak liu husi seminariu no workshop barbarak, halo mos ratifikasaun ba konvensaun lei internasional pertinenti ba krime trafiku-umanu, kria esbosu Lei Kontra Trafiku-Umanu desde tinan 2009, halo koordenasaun inter-ajensia kontra trafiku-umanu nsst, maibe Governu Timor-Leste la konsege demonstra aumentu iha evidensia, hodi rigorosamente kombate krime ne’e husi tinan kotuk to’o agora.

Haree husi sorin seluk, autoridadi nasional (inklui autoridadi nasional Timor-Leste) sira bele argumenta katak, EUA (Iha ne’e spesifikamente, Departamentu Estadu) laiha direitu no autoridadi buat ruma atu bele fo kanuru-tohar ba problema interna nasaun seluk nian. Argumentu ida ne’e bazeia ba nosaun estadu soberanu husi teoria klasiku realismu nian, iha ne’ebe estadu nasaun ida nian de’it maka iha direitu prerogativu tomak atu bele fo kanuru-tohar ba nia problema interna sem iha interferensia husi estadu seluk.

Maibe kontrariamente, globalista liberal sira bele mos kestiona katak, sera ke nosaun Estadu Soberanu ne’e sei apropriadamente relevante ho mudansa barak iha mundu? Kelley ho Simmons (2012) argumenta katak, ‘… international relations is all about how states attempt to influence one another’s policies in ways they believe will contribute to their security and welfare’ (Relasaun internasional ne’e la seluk la le’et, relasiona ho oinsa estadu sira tenta atu influensia ba idaidak nia politika, ho maneira ne’ebe sira fiar katak, bele kontribui ba sira nia seguransa no moris-diak). Argumentu ida ne’e refere ba dinamismu integrasaun merkadu no interkoneksaun sosial iha dimensaun barbarak fabrikadu husi fenomena globalizasaun ne’ebe kria interdependensia ida sem presedentes depois de funu-malirin remata. Nune’e signifika katak, sei iha posibilidadi barak no pretestu oioin atu estadu seluk interfere iha Timor nia problema interna, gosta ka la gosta. Ho fenomena sira hanesan ne’e, akademiku barak argumenta katak, teritoria politika, jeografia ne’ebe halo parte iha estadu soberanu nian komesa tohik ona, ou a’at liu, antikuadu ona. Ohin loron, inseguransa iha nasaun ida signifika inseguransa mos iha nasaun seluk. Ida ne’e talves karakteristika foun iha asuntus relasaun internasional ka politika internasional ne’ebe Timor presiza tau-matan ba, espesialmente ho Timor nia involvimentu iha CPLP, G7+ no mos ASEAN mesmu seidauk sai membru.

Husi fali sikun seluk, saida maka autor hanoin sai mos hanesan preokupasaun lejitimada konaba relatoriu ida ne’e maka, wainhira uza perspetiva cetiku no positivista sira, ema bele kestiona kredibilidadi no atualidadi relatoriu ida ne’e. Exemplu, ho metodolojia sa maka relatoriu ne’e halo? No mos, karik ida ne’e bazeia ba situasaun real ou la’e? Autor utiliza argumentu ne’e la’os atu indika katak relatoriu ida ne’e la-kredivel ka la-atual. Maibe, Infelizmente iha ona tendensia no pratika barak, iha ne’ebe nasaun balun uza metodolojia avaliasaun ba nasaun hotu komparativamente ekivalenti sem iha konsiderasaun klean ba kontestu no situasaun real ne’ebe nasaun idaidak infrenta. Entaun, abordajem sira hanesan ne’e mesmu dalabarak bele kria fontes ba informasaun no ho intensaun diak, maibe iha tempu hanesan julga mos ho forma ladun justu, no mos bele estigmatiza nasaun balun. Konsekuentemente, kria mos relutansia no deskonfiansa husi nasaun balun.

Argumentu sira iha leten iha nia validadi bo’ot no sei bele sai hanesan konseitu provokador ba diskusaun klean liu tan konaba kredibilidadi relatoriu ida ne’e em partikular. Maibe, haree fali husi pontu de vista seluk, dalaruma ida ne’e la’os kestaun mesak de’it, tamba preokupasaun bo’ot ida tan maka oinsa atu rezolve nasaun ida labele klasifikadu ba iha Tier 3 wainhira haree ba konsekuensia sosio-politika no ekonomika, liliu ba nasaun ki’ik-oan sira hanesan Timor-Leste. Exemplu, iha tinan barak Timor klasifikadu hanesan Tier 2, maibe husi relatoriu tinan 2014 ida ne’e, Timor kolokadu tu’un ona ba kategoria Tier 2 (Watch list). Ida ne’e pozisaun tranzisional ba kategoria Tier 3 hanesan esplika iha leten. Ne’e teknikamente signifika, se laiha esforsu maximu ne’ebe maka Governu Timor-Leste halo iha tempu tinan-rua nia laran tuir regulamentu ka kriteriu ne’ebe Departamentu Estadu EUA nian, bele afeta rebaixamentu ba Tier 3 iha tinan sira-seluk tuir mai hanesan esperiensia nasaun Tailandia, Malazia, The Gambia no Venezuela ne’ebe foin daudaun hetan rebaixamentu tamba konsideradu la halo esforsu adekuadu atu hadia sira nia sistema kombate trafiku-umanu.

Wainhira ida ne’e akontese maka bele direitamente no indireitamente hatudu ba publiku internasional katak, Estadu Timor-Leste laiha kapasidadi atu bele garante seguransa ba nia a’an rasik, no husik ninia sidadaun no sidadaun nasaun seluk atu sai vulneravel ba trafikante ka kriminozu organizadu sira. Los duni katak, Timor bele halo defeza ba nia a’an liu husi diplomasia ka meius komunikasaun-sosial sira seluk; maibe opiniaun publika dalabarak ita labele kontrola no sai hanesan prejuizu ba imajem nasaun nian wainhira alarga, sa’atan wainhira informasaun sira hanesan ne’e uza husi nasaun-seluk, grupu no individu sira atu bele hatete katak, Timor nia Estadu fraku (ka a’at liu, Estadu falha) atu bele fornese seguransa bazika ba nia sidadaun no ema-rai-seluk. Wainhira ida ne’e maka imajem ida projetadu iha rai liur konaba Timor, bele mos afeta ba progressu iha area seluk. Exemplu, wainhira ema husi liur tetu relatoriu ne’e hamutuk ho relatoriu seluk ne’ebe fo informasaun la favoravel ba Timor, bele afeta mos Foreign Direct Investment (Ivestimentu Estranjeiru Direto).

Liu tan, opiniaun ne’ebe publiku hetan tamba relatoriu sira hanesan ne’e bele sai forti liu wainhira publiku sasin-rasik atendimentu baziku sira ne’ebe la-favoravel atu asegura sira nia protesaun no seguransa bazika. Exemplu, iha parte kontrolu imigrasaun ne’ebe relasiona ho Border Control Management (Jestaun Kontrolu Fronteira)—iha pratika barak ne’ebe maka autor observa no mos informasaun balun ne’ebe halibur, Polisia Imigrasaun iha aerportu, mesmu iha dadus kuaze diak konaba se maka tama no se maka sai, no mos frekuensia ema ida tama sai Timor, maibe ida ne’e deit maka fungsaun ne’ebe sira nia sistema atendimentu fornese, laiha tan relasaun ho informasaun intelijensia ne’ebe krusial ba seguransa nasional. Exemplu, karik ema ida iha intensaun a’at ba Timor ka ema ida iha rejistu kriminal iha liur, no atu mos mai halo aktividadi ilisitu iha Timor, sira sei labele deteta mesmu sira nia sistema baze-de-dadus iha kapasidadi atu kobre informasaun detalhada. Ida ne’e tamba falta koordenasaun entre sira ho instituisaun sira seluk ne’ebe bele fornese intelijensia ba sira, no laiha sistema-baze-dadus ida integradu entre ajensia seguransa sira. Se problema hanesan ne’e deít maka mosu iha aeroportu ne’ebe iha kapital nia-laran, sa’atan husi fronteira maritima no terestre, parese araska tebes ba sira atu halo detesaun no disuasaun.

Exemplu daruak. Karik imigrasaun falha atu deteta ema ne’ebe tama mai atu halo aktividadi ilisitu, entaun ajensia ne’ebe presiza servisu maka’as atu buka informasaun maka ajensia intelijensia nian husi PNTL, SNI (Servisu Nasional Intelijensia) nsst karik nesesaria. Maibe ida ne’e mos sei sai hanesan pontu interogativu bo’ot. Iha ona alegasaun barak katak, ajenti intelijensia Timor-oan sira balun, ema lalika buka hatene sira ne’e intel, sira rasik maka aprezenta sira nia a’an katak sira ne’e intel direitamente no indireitamente. Dalaruma ida ne’e bele los, autor observa katak membru intelijensia sira ba festa, diskoteka ka fatin divertimentu barak, wainhira lanu gosta amostra sira nia pistola no radio, oinsa maka ema lahatene katak sira ne’e intel?

Autor espera katak alegasaun iha leten la’os realidade, eh sei akontese duni, la’os ba membru sira hotu, maibe se ida ne’e maka akontese duni, oinsa ho seguransa ba nasaun? A’at liu tan, ita mos bele haree iha relatoriu husi Departamentu Estadu EUA nian ne’e, iha mos alegasaun katak membru polisia balun mos simu subornu (SUAP) husi fatin sira ne’ebe iha pratika trafiku nian iha ba. Alegasaun ida ne’e los ka la-los, la’os sai hanesan kestaun, saida maka publiku hatene agora maka membru polisia balun mos tama ona kadeia tamba involvidu iha aktu kriminal, ida ne’e bele fo indikasaun forti katak polisia la-metin, membru polisia sira mos bele komete krime.

Ho sistema seguransa ida hanesan ne’e, se’e ema ida mai ho vistu turista maibe ho rejistu kriminal iha nasaun seluk, se’e maka atu bele garante katak ikus mai ema sira ne’e sei la sai trafikante ka involvidu iha aktividadi illisitu sira, no se maka atu bele garante katak krime trafiku-umanu ka trafikante sira agora daudaun laiha Timor? Situasaun seguransa hanesan ne’e maka baibain halo nasaun ida atraiante no penetravel ba kriminozu organizadu sira, inklui kriminozu trafiku-umanu sira.

Situasaun bele sai a’at liu tan wainhira Governu Timor-Leste em jeral no em partikular Sekretaria Estadu ba Seguransa, no PNTL no instituisaun relevante sira, karik la-konsege reforsa ka implementa mekanismu kontrolu no disiplinar (karik iha) ida rigorozu atu bele garante katak ajenti seguransa, membru-governu, juiz, defensor, prokurador, membru governu, autoridadi lokal no komunitaria no lideres veteranus sira sei la sai kliente ba sentru sira ne’ebe deskonfiadu hanesan sentru ba trafiku-umanu, ka la-konsege prevene sira atu simu subornu husi trafikante ka kriminozu sira. Situasaun sira hanesan ne’e maka hamutuk bele fo razaun, la’os de’it ba nasaun seluk, maibe ba mos sidadaun Timor-oan rasik atu deskredibiliza Timor nia seguransa, no internalmente deteriora liu tan situasaun krize-fiar ba autoridadi no politiku sira.

Impaktu Seluk
Alem de impaktu sira iha leten, iha mos sira seluk hanesan: sansaun ne’ebe Timor potensialmente bele hetan wainhira Governu Timor-Leste falha atu bele prevene rebaixamentu kategoria Tier 2 (Watch list) ba Tier 3. Sansaun sira ne’e potensialmente hanesan;
• Governu EUA bele hapara ka dada fila-fali ninia asistensia balun ne’ebe la ho natureza umanitariu no komersial husi Timor-Leste;
• Governu EUA sei la fo fundus atu bele selu fungsionariu publiku sira (karik ida ne’e aplika iha Timor);
• Governu EUA sei la fo oportunidadi atu Timor-Leste partisipa iha programa edukasaun ka interkambiu kultural sira iha EUA; bele signifika laiha fellowship no bolsu de estudu, no estudu komparativu ba Timor-oan sira;
• Konsistenti ho TVPA, EUA sei fo nia opozisaun ba asistensia sira (Exetu ba objetivu umanitariu ka relasiona ho komersiu no asistensia dezenvolvimentu balun) husi instituisaun internasional sira hanesan International Monetary Fund (IMF) no World Bank (Banku Mundial) ba Timor-Leste.’

Ema balun bele argumenta katak, mesmu sira nia nasaun klasifikadu iha Tier 3 (nune’e signifika katak sei iha sansaun husi EUA), maibe sei la nesesariamente afeta sira nia kondisaun sosio-politika no ekonomika, sa’atan wainhira nasaun sira ne’e sosio-politikamente, ekonomikamente no mos militarmente forti. Exemplu nasaun sira hanesan Iraun, Tailandia, Russia, Kuwait, Malazia, Venezuela nsst ne’ebe agora daudaun iha Tier 3 hela. Adisionalmente, ema sira ne’ebe asosia sira nia a’an ho teoria konspirativa bele dehan katak, klasifikasaun ida ne’e bele halo husi nasaun liur atu estraga nasaun balun nia imajem ka iha liafuan seluk, klasifikasaun ne’e politikamente motivadu. Exemplu, kontestualmente nasaun sira ne’ebe diplomatikamente la fo malun diak ho EUA tamba razaun ideolojika nsst, hanesan Venezuela, Iraun no Russia.

Argumentu sira iha leten ne’e iha ninia validadi bo’ot, maibe karik ho mos limitasaun balun tamba haree fali husi sikun seluk, de faktu nasaun balun klasifikadu ona ho Tier 3 signifika uluk ona katak dalaruma nasaun ne’e mos bele hasoru ona problema barak sosio-politikamente no ekonomikamente antes iha sansaun, tamba ida ne’e maka susar ba sira atu bele kombate mos krime trafiku-umanu, liliu tamba natureza krime ida ne’e exiji nasaun sira atu kria esforsu integradu, regional no mos global, nune’e presiza rekursu extraordinariu atu kombate. Exemplu maka nasaun sira hanesan Republika Afrika Sentral, Republika Demokratika Kongo, Guinea Ekuatorial, Guinne-Bissau, Zimbabwe nsst ne’ebe iha mos kategoria Tier 3. Entaun, iha situasaun hanesan ne’e, importante ba nasaun sira ne’e atu mantem nafatin ninia mekanismu ne’ebe diak atu bele prevene rebaixamentu ba Tier 3. Sira sei iha pozisaun ida diak liu wainhira laiha todan adisional husi EUA ne’e, tamba bele deteriora liu tan situasaun difisil ne’ebe sira atualmente hasoru.

Argumentu iha leten bele mos aplika ba Timor ho limitasaun ruma. Ida ne’e la’os atu dehan katak Timor infrenta situasaun grave hanesan nasaun Republika Afrika Sentral, Republika Demokratika Kongo, Guinea Ekuatorial, Guinne-Bissau, Zimbabwe nsst iha lista Tier 3, maibe ho limitasaun no preokupasaun barak ne’ebe Timor iha ona, autor hanoin katak, sosio-politikamente no ekonomikamente sensivel ba Governu Timor-Leste atu prevene Timor tun ba Tier 3.
Razaun Fundamental Atu Kombate Krime Ne’e No Rekomendasaun Ruma Relasiona ho argumentu sira autor demonstra iha leten, dalaruma sira ne’e sei diskutivel bazeia ba konsiderasaun barak tuir evidensia ne’ebe parte pro no kontra bele demonstra. Autor konsienti katak ema balun sei mantem nafatin nia pozisaun katak, sem ajudu husi EUA Timor sei nafatin bele moris diak tamba iha osan-rasik ne’ebe mai husi mina eh katak relatoriu hanesan ne’e bele politikamente motivadu, eh karik Timor iha nia soberania absoluta rasik.

Maibe, problema lolos ne’ebe autor hakarak levanta iha ne’e maka relasiona ho valores fundamental ema nian. Autor hakarak emfatiza katak, krime trafiku-umanu sai hanesan ameasa bo’ot ba direitu fundamental ema hotu nian, tamba ida ne’e maka nasaun hothotu, inklui Timor, iha obrigasaun fundamental no prinsipal tebes atu bele kombate hasoru nia.
Tamba krime ne’e ninia gravidadi, ninia natureza ne’ebe desumanu no violentu (fizikamente no psikolojikamente), krime ne’e ekivalenti ho eskravatura moderna. Krime ne’e kobre vitima sira indiskriminativamente hanesan mos ho terrorismu. Nia la konhese labarik ka ema-bo’ot, feto ka mane, jovem ka katuas-ferik no mai husi rasa ka kor oioin. Krime ne’e komete ho modus-operandi oioin. Exemplu ida pratiku liu maka, iha krime ida ne’e, trafikante sira lohi ka bosok, forsa no rapta nia vitima sira atu bele ba servisu iha kondisaun ne’ebe a’at-liu, no dalabarak forsa feto no labarik-feto barak sai hanesan vitima ba esplorasaun sexual no sai hanesan estratejia politika iha konflitu nia laran.

Kontestualmente, seidauk iha dokumentu no dadus barak produzidu ho metodolojia ida diak iha Timor, hodi prova katak krime trafiku-umanu sae makas, nune’e fo indikasaun katak relatoriu Departamentu Estadu EUA nian ida ne’e bele inkonfiavel. Mesmu nune’e ema ne’ebe hanoin hanesan ne’e, liliu sira ne’ebe iha parte autoridadi nasional, presiza haree katak, seidauk iha mos estatistika nasional ida konfiavel no sinkronizadu, ne’ebe publiku bele refere ba, tantu husi Sekretaria Estadu ba Seguransa, PNTL no mos tribunal sira, atu hatudu kredivelmente katak krime ne’e sae-ka-tun iha Timor, nune’e posibilidadi atu relatoriu Departamentu Estadu EUA nian ne’e atu sai los, sei bo’ot mos hela.

Husi sikun seluk, dokumentu balun husi Fundasaun Alola publikadu inisialmente iha 2004 no husi Relatoriu Departamentu Estadu EUA 2014 ne’e rasik hatudu katak, Timor sai ona hanesan fatin orijem no mos destinasaun ba mane, feto no labarik sira ne’ebe sai hanesan vitima ba trabalhu forsadu no mos esplorasaun sexual. Iha dokumentu rua ne’e, mensiona katak Timor-Leste bele sai hanesan nasaun ida ne’ebe nia ema sira sai vitima ba trafiku feto no labarik-feto sira ne’ebe haruka ba India, Siria, Singapura no nasaun sira seluk iha Azia Sudeste no Mediu Oriente ba servidaun domestika.

Trabalhador feto estranjeiru sira mos sai hanesan vitima ba trafiku sexual iha Timor. Sira ne’e identifika barak husi Indonesia, China no Filipina. Iha Fundasaun Alola nia peskiza 2004 estima katak, iha maximu 115 vitima trafikante husi trabalhador sexu feto sira, ho nasionalidadi hanesan Timorense (0), Indonezia (30), Chinese (35), Tailandesa (30), Filipina (20) no Australiana (0). Numeru ne’e obviamente bele tu’un, no mos bele aumenta mesmu dadus ne’e mai husi 2004. Ida ne’e autor observa tamba, sistema seguransa no mekanismu kombate trafiku-umanu no mos krime-organizadu husi 2004 to’o 2014 mesmu iha aumentu barak, maibe seidauk substansialmente efikaz. Exemplu, mesmu iha ona grupu inter-ajensia ne’ebe halibur organizasaun barak atu responde ba ida ne’e, maibe seidauk hatene lolos se’e maka lidera grupu ida ne’e. Exemplu sira seluk tan maka relasiona ho sistema jestaun fronteira ne’ebe fraku, korupsaun ne’ebe a’as, intelijensia ne’ebe fraku, Lei Kontra Trafiku Umanu ne’ebe seidauk aprova to’o agora nsst.
Adisionalmente husi relatoriu Departamentu Estadu ida ne’e, hatudu katak iha ona indikasaun ne’ebe forti katak, labarik mane no mane adultu sira balun husi Mianmar, Kamboja no Tailandia hetan koersaun atu bele servisu iha ro’o peskador husi rai-liur ne’ebe halo hela operasaun iha teritoriu tasi Timor, iha ne’ebe sira infrenta kondisaun konfinamentu, laiha asistensia medika no mos malnutrisaun.

Iha mos alegasaun barak katak, iha ona aktividadi trafiku umanu internalmente, exemplu husi distritu ida ba distritu seluk. Ida ne’ebe barak liu ema hatene hanesan segredu komum maka trafiku labarik feto sira husi Distritu Covalima mai Distritu Dili, liliu ba objetivu esplorasaun sexual no mos servidaun domestika.

Ohin-loron tuir dadus IOM nian konaba situasaun mundu-raiklaran, liu ema juta 20 iha mundu maka infrenta forma ruma husi krime ida ne’e. Ho razaun sira hanesan ne’e hotu maka krime ida ne’e kontra direitus fundamentais ema-moris nian, nune’e sai hanesan impedimentu bo’ot ba dezenvolvimentu umanu no presiza sai mos hanesan batalha foun ba Timor.
Rekomendasaun Ruma Antes fo rekomendasaun ruma, autor individualmente observa katak, relatoriu ida ne’e sai hanesan estratejia politika externa Governu EUA nian ne’ebe adere ba teoria rasionalista tradisional no mos impaktu sosial. Iha ne’ebe EUA fiar katak, ho meius hanesan klasifikasaun ba nasaun ida nia dezempenhu, bele sai hanesan ‘presaun sosial’ ka ‘koersaun sosial’ ida atu influensia nasaun sira ne’e nia politika interna no mos externa. Exemplu iha ne’e, sira bele uza kategoria TIER 2 (Watch list) ne’e hodi halo-moe (shaming) direitamente no indireitamente, skrutiniza no monitoriza de’it politika Governu Timor-Leste nian hodi kombate trafiku-umanu.

Mesmu sansaun husi EUA ba nasaun Tier 3 sira ne’e dalaruma raru, maibe sira mos fiar katak, nasaun barak motivadu husi insentivu sira hanesan fundus ka ajudu sira ba iha area sosial, politika no ekonomika, nune’e wainhira iha ameasa atu bele hapara insentivu sira hanesan ne’e, sira sei halo esforsu liu husi alterasaun ba politika sira nian atu bele prevene (Bearce and Bondanella 2007; Johnston 2001).

Estratejia ne’e, la’os halo de’it husi Estadu ba Estadu, maibe komum halo mos husi organizasaun intergovernamental ba Estadu sira. Exemplu ONU, IMF no Banku Mundial. Estratejia hanesan dalabarak efikaz tebes hodi influensia politika nasaun barak, liliu iha nasaun ne’ebe adota sistema demokratika. Analitikamente tamba sobrevivensia governasaun partidus politiku sira nian depende tebes ba popularidadi politika no aseitasaun sosial iha rai laran no mos husi rai liur ho limitasaun ruma.

Ho razaun sira ne’e, autor lakohi atu sujere katak, ida ne’e maka sai hanesan ona sasukat ba Governu Timor-Leste atu bele hadia nia politika seguransa nasional hodi kombate trafiku-umanu. Nune’e sujere katak, autor mos reserva ninia cetisismo ba relatoriu ida ne’e.

Saida maka importanti maka, Governu Timor-Leste presiza seriamente kombate krime ida ne’e, tamba krime ida ne’e sai hanesan ameasa ba futuru nasaun nian, futuru ema hotu nian no futuru umanidadi nian. Dalaruma, ema balun bele argumenta katak razaun ne’e idealistika liu, maibe ita hotu labele haluhan katak, ho razaun hanesan maka Timor-oan luta atu kaer kuda-talin rasik. Timor la’os luta kontra kolonialismu tamba razaun katak kolonialismu ladiak ba Timor-oan de’it ou katak liberdadi ba moris ne’e Timor-oan nian mesak de’it, maibe tamba razaun fundamental katak kolonialismu sai hanesan ameasa ba dezenvolvimentu umanidadi tomak. Nune’e duni, sai ona hanesan dever prinsipal ita hotu nian atu bele garante katak, ema hotu iha direitu ba moris, no moris ida dignu, livre husi meius esplorasaun no sofrimentu hotu.

Bazeia ba razaun fundamental hanesan ne’e, iha mos rekomendasaun ruma ne’ebe autor hakarak fo ba partes relevantes sira hotu ne’ebe iha linha-oin atu kombate krime ida ne’e, liliu Governu Timor-Leste. Maibe, autor mos fiar katak iha ona rekomendasaun barak ne’ebe parte sira ne’e simu no mos konfesa katak, Governu Timor-Leste halo mos esforsu barak ona. Autor iha ne’e somente hakarak fo de’it rekomendasaun balun ne’ebe autor observa seidauk sai hanesan atensaun no importansia ba ema barak, maibe konfesa mos katak sei iha limitasaun barak tamba adere liu ba konhesimentu autor nian ne’ebe limitadu mos.

Tuir mai, ne’e maka rekomendasaun sira:

Ida: Ba instituisaun, grupu sosiedadi sivil (inklui igreja katolika no grupu relijiozu sira hotu) no ajenti ka individu sira hotu, liliu Governu Timor-Leste, atu bele halakon tiha hanoin ida katak, meius atu kombate krime ida ne’e presiza rekursu finanseiru bo’ot. Iha ne’ebe de’it, prevensaun ba krime ka prevensaun ba krime ida atu sai bo’ot sempre sai fasil no baratu liu duke atu buka kombate krime ida wainhira sai bo’ot liu ona no ho abut ne’ebe klean;

Rua: To’o ohin loron iha Timor, seidauk iha dadus nasional ida ne’ebe instituisaun, grupu sosiedadi sivil (inklui igreja katolika no grupu relijiozu sira hotu) no ajenti ka individu sira hotu, liliu Governu Timor-Leste, bele uza hodi sai hanesan referensia atu bele kombate krime ida ne’e. Iha inter-agency working group ne’ebe existi, grupus sira iha dadus oioin maibe la sinkronizadu. Governu Timor-Leste, presiza tau atensaun ba ida ne’e, presiza kria metodolojia ida atu bele halibur dadus liu husi peskiza ida lolos no kredivel hodi bele hatene to’o iha ne’ebe ona gravidadi krime ida ne’e, se’e maka sai ona vitima ba ida ne’e nsst. Ida ne’e la foka de’it ba krime-trafiku ne’e hanesan elementu estranjeiru nian, maibe foka mos ba dinamiku krime ida ne’e iha rai-laran, liliu iha area sira hanesan Covalima, Maliana no Oecusse ne’ebe vulneravel tebes tamba besik ba iha area fronteira. Ida ne’e atu bele sai referensia hodi identifika estratejia nesesaria hodi kombate krime ne’e realistikamente mesmu ho meius ne’ebe limitadu.

Tolu: Ba ita hotu atu labele hanoin katak, krime ida ne’e sai hanesan krime ida ne’ebe izoladu (an end in itself). Krime trafiku-umanu iha nia dimensaun no interdependensia oioin. Krime ne’e tuir evidensia ne’ebe iha ona, utiliza mos husi grupu terorista sira atu bele buka osan hodi finansia sira nia meta objetivu. Nune’e duni maka koordenasaun atu bele kombate grupu ida ne’e labele sai de’it hanesan responsabilidadi ajensia ka Governu Timor-Leste nian de’it, maibe presiza iha servisu ida integradu ho instituisaun, grupu sosiedadi sivil (inklui igreja katolika no grupu relijiozu sira hotu) no ajenti ka individu sira hotu, liliu Governu Timor-Leste, no ho mos kolaborasaun transgovernamental;

Ha’at: Ita bele kombate krime ida ne’e direitamente no indireitamente. Exemplu la’os ho de’it kooperasaun interajensia ne’ebe forma husi Governu mesak maka bele kombate krime ne’e. Dalabarak, vitima sira sai vulneravel ba krime ne’e tamba falta iha konhesimentu konaba krime ne’e, tamba exijensia no presaun sosio-ekonomiku, oportunidadi ne’ebe ladiak no mos presaun seluk ne’ebe hanesan. Entaun area sira hanesan parseria publiku no polisia iha area prevensaun ba krime ka protesaun komunitaria sai importante tebes. Liu tan, politika iha area edukasaun no ekonomia nasaun nian kuandu diak, bele mos fo solusaun oinsa atu bele prevene sidadaun sira sai vulneravel ba krime hanesan ne’e. Adisionalmente, autor hakarak emfatiza katak, liu husi edukasaun, Governu Timor-Leste presiza kria mekanismu ida atu bele konsiensializa lalaok krime ne’e ba sidadaun tomak, no ida ne’e mos sai hanesan responsabilidadi instituisaun, grupu sosiedadi sivil (inklui igreja katolika no grupu fiar ka relijiozu sira hotu) no ajenti ka individu sira hotu ne’ebe iha konhesimentu konaba krime ida ne’e;

Lima: Autor esklusivamente hakarak foka ba problema korupsaun. Timor ohin loron infrenta problema korupsaun iha fatin barak. Korupsaun sai mos hanesan fator destrutivu ida bo’ot tebes hodi fo dalan ba grupu krime organizadu sira atu penetra seguransa nasional no sai buras, inklui krime-trafiku umanu. Imajina tok karik PNTL maka iha ajenti barak ne’ebe koruptu, inklui nia ajenti intelijensia sira. Ho eventu foin daudaun ne’ebe publiku hotu sasin ba, hatudu katak PNTL presiza hadia buat barak, liliu presiza hamutuk ho Sekretaria Estadu Seguransa hodi prevene ho sansaun ka pena ne’ebe grave ba membru PNTL sira ne’ebe maka involve iha korupsaun. Governu Timor-Leste em partikular, presiza kria mekanismu sansaun ida diferenti entre ema sivil no sira ne’ebe iha pozisaun atu garante seguransa nasional (inklui membru governu, membru parlamentu nasional, defensor publiku, prokurador, juiz, xefi suku/aldeia nsst) mesmu nune’e presiza tau matan makas mos ba sira nia bem-estar (moris-diak). Korupsaun mos akontese la’os de’it tamba ema ida KANTEN, maibe tamba mos exijensia no presaun sosio-ekonomiku sira mos;

Ne’en: Autor fiar liafuan ida ne’ebe Sir Francis Bacon hanesan filozofu Ingles ida ne’ebe argumenta, ‘scientia potentia est—knowledge is power (1597), signifika katak konhesimentu maka poder. Informasaun maka sai hanesan fonte konhesimentu ba ema nian, no wainhira iha konhesimentu barak tamba informasaun barak halo ema ida bele sai forsa liu tan. Teoria hanesan ne’e aplika mos ba ajensia intelijensia ka ajenti intel sira Timor nian. Nune’e duni maka, Governu Timor-Leste presiza kria mekanismu oinsa atu bele fortalese sira nia kapasidadi, profesionaliza sira nia hahalok no kuda dedikasaun ba sira atu servi ba povu no patria ho lolos. Parte intelijensia sai mos hanesan parte ida sentral tebes iha kombate ba krime sira hotu, inklui krime trafiku-umanu, droga, krime falsifikasaun, terrorismu nsst;

Hitu: Importante tebes atu ator no instituisaun sira hotu ne’ebe involve iha kombate trafiku-umanu ne’e atu hatene ho lolos, saida maka krime trafiku-umanu no ninia dimensaun sira. Iha informasaun balun ne’ebe autor simu husi grupu sosiedadi sivil balun, no mos tuir observasaun balun ne’ebe halo autor halo iha enkontru sira relasiona ho trafiku-umanu. Iha ema barak tebes, inklui mos membru governu, membru polisia no membru parlamentu nasional balun no sira seluk ne’ebe ho papel importante maka la kompriende ho didiak krime ida ne’e nia lalaok, nune’e impede sira atu bele fo pareser no buka dalan ne’ebe realistiku iha kontestu Timor nian. Dalaruma, ida ne’e maka impede tebes progresu ba esbosu Lei Kontra Trafiku Umanu ne’ebe halo kedan desde 2009 maibe seidauk hetan aprovasaun to’o ohin loron. Governu Timor-Leste presiza tau matan makas ba iha area hanesan ne’e, dala ida tan, konsiensializasaun ba lalaok krime ida ne’e importante tebes, liliu ba sira ne’ebe iha pozisaun krusial atu bele kombate krime ne’e;

Ualu: Polisia Imigrasaun maka sai hanesan odamatan primeiru ba imigrante sira atu tama mai Timor. Wainhira sira maka fraku, nasaun no sidadaun mos sai vulneravel tebes ba krime ida ne’e. Mesmu ho kapasidade sistema baze-de-dadus ne’ebe diak, maibe funsaun baze-de-dadus ne’ebe sira halo, la sufisienti atu bele identifika ema ida to’o klean. Imigrasaun, liu husi PNTL no Sekretaria Estadu ba Seguransa presiza kria mekanismu integradu ida atu bele iha mos informasaun intelijensia konaba se’e de’it maka mai iha Timor. Menus liu, Polisia Imigrasaun tenki iha mekanismu ida diak atu bele hatene mos ema ida nia rejistu kriminal wainhira nia naran hatama ba baze-de-dadus. Sistema ida ne’e importante tebes iha prevensaun krime nian wainhira Governu Timor-Leste seidauk bele minimiza emisaun visa turista. Sistema ida ne’e presiza aplika ba kontrolu iha aeroportu, fronteira rai-maran no mos iha area maritima;

Sia: Politika liberalizasaun ekonomika hasa’e posibilidadi ba negosiante no nasaun barak atu progresa liu husi koneksaun transnasional, ideas, trabalhador, komersiu no sira seluk tan. Maibe politika hanesan, wainhira la-kuidadu, kria mos kondisaun barak ne’ebe atrai kriminozu sira atu bele halo aktividadi ilisitu husi nasaun ida ba nasaun seluk, inklui iha area trafiku-umanu. Exemplu, ema sira ne’ebe aplika atu mai halo negosiu iha Timor, depois hetan tiha lisensa ba negosiu, halo fali negosiu kriminal ka ilisitu sira. Autor la’os ema ekonomista, nune’e labele fo rekomendasaun barak ba iha area ida ne’e, maibe autor fiar katak, Governu Timor-Leste presiza haree mos ninia vulnerabilidadi ba krime organizadu liu husi area politika-ekonomika ida ne’e;

Sanulu: Bazeia ba dadus barak ne’ebe autor konsege halibur, iha mos evidensia balun ne’ebe hatudu katak, vitima feto barak maka mai ho istoria iha pasadu sira hanesan, vitima ba violensia domestika no abuzu ka violasaun sexual. Krime hanesan ne’e mos barak iha Timor. Nune’e importante atu Governu Timor-Leste fo ninia seriedadi atu kombate duni krime hanesan. Se’e presiza, fo mos pena ida ne’ebe grave ba krime sira hanesan ne’e.
Relasiona ho rekomendasaun sanulu ne’e, Governu Timor-Leste presiza mos:
* Halo revizaun no implementa duni ho lolos lei sira hotu ne’ebe kontra violasaun ba ema vulneravel sira, inklui feto no labarik-feto sira, no asegura katak ator juridiku sira kompriende sira nia papel hodi halo mekanismu protesaun ba ema sira asesivel duni; no
* Hakbi’it ema vulneravel, inklui feto no labarik feto sira, no programa igualdadi jeneru iha nasaun, atu asegura ema sira ne’e iha asesu ba oportunidadi ekonomiku ne’ebe adekuadu, nune’e hasa’e sira nia posibilidadi forsa atu rejeita lia-bosok husi trafikante sira;
Ikus liu, autor espera katak artigu ne’e bele benefisia maluk leitor sira hotu, no hamutuk ita bele kombate krime trafiku-umanu hodi kria moris ida dignu no diak liu, ba futuru ida dignu no diak liu ba ita nia oan no bei-oan sira.

Autor ba Artigu ida ne’e maka uluk sai hanesan Assessor ba Revizaun Setor Seguransa iha UNDP no mos hanesan Assessor ba Prevensaun Konflitu Komunitaria no Asuntu Jeneru, no Assessor ba Komunikasaun Sosial iha Sekretaria Estadu ba Seguransa.
Artigu ida ne’e reprezenta Autor nia opiniaun mesak deit.

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Is Timor-Leste a failed state?

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Timor-Leste

Is Timor-Leste a Failed State?

Guteriano Neves

Introduction
There are numerous challenges that Timor-Leste is facing that people often talk about around the country and widely acknowledged across different spectrum of society. These challenges are not unique for Timor-Leste. However, when it is played down in Timor’s context, they are not as simple as its appear on the surface. It becomes more complicated. These are not the result of solely government’s lacking of coherent and integrated policy, or an already failed-state. These are the product of interactions of various factors and actors in the society. This article takes a look at two issues: institutional issue and petroleum dependency. Rather than viewing it as a product of a failed-state, these are challenges that Timor-Leste is facing.

Is Timor-Leste a failed state?
From 2006 onwards, Timor has been frequently labelled as a failed state. Theoretically, there are some conceptual issues regarding ” a failed state” in the development cycle. Most of the time, this concept is used to categorise many countries, such as Somalia, South Sudan, Congo, Afghanistan, etc that are facing political instability. The tendency is to simplify the complexity that these countries are experiencing. Deploying the term above implicitly implies that there are already dysfunctional state institutions within the society. Furthermore, the concept “failed-state” also implies that building a state and building a nation is a short-term project that can be achieved in certain period of time. As a matter of fact, nation-state building is a complex process, which determined by various factors, not only the state institutions, but also the social interactions and international context.

Specifically for the Timor’s case, most of the argument concentrate on the challenges that Timor-Leste is facing. This includes but not limited to financial sustainability, food security, malnutrition, import dependency, quality of spending, malnutrition, allegation of corruption. While it is important to acknowledge these challenges, the tendency to simplify the challenges that the country is facing and omit its contextual realities, will not be helpful. Therefore, it is important at least to consider contextual setting where these challenges exist, such as its history, politics, economics and social setting that underline these problems. Beyond the surface, these challenges are not something uniquely define Timor as a whole. What unique about Timor is the underpinning factors of these problems that the country is dealing with.

There are certain issues that the government should have responded better. No one denies that. However, there are some issues that require long-term approach, and contribution from different actors. These underlined difficulties are often missing or neglected in the way Timor is described or reported.

For that, one way is to contextualize the discussion on weather Timor is a failed state or not from institutional point of view. Many have discussed about the challenges that institutions are facing. Building institutions is a long-term and dynamic process. Socio-conomic and political setting change over time, and therefore our approaches for building these institutions also should change accordingly. It will be ahistorical and oversimplification to argue that the current institutional problems are merely the result of the current policies. Historical legacies of the Portuguese colonisation, the Indonesian military occupation, and the United Nation Transitional Administration of East Timor (UNTAET) are not to be ignored completely. They are, by all means, the essential rubrics that contribute to the life of most institutions in Timor-Leste today and the way people view the institutions.

Amid these challenges, it is valid to argue that these institutions are not collapsed or dysfunctional. During and after 2006 crisis, many scholars and journalist labelled Timor’s case as a failed state; the reality is that during the crisis and afterwards, the institutions were not collapse or dysfunction. The violence was contained in Dili. Outside of Dili, the people lived normally. When the Prime Minister at that time, Mari Alkatiri resigned, the process went on according to the constitution. FRETILIN retained control over the government and the Parliament until 2007. Amid the international uncertainity about the short-term security, Timorese went to three-consecutive elections in 2007. These elections were internationally recognized as the democratic elections. During 2012 three consecutive elections went on peacefully and democratically, and the power transition went on smoothly.

On the other hand, as a democratic society, discussion on state’s performance should not be limited to the way institutions address issues. One needs also to consider that the state is “an” institution that exists within society. There are numerous institutions that shape the way society is organized, and how individual behaves. Therefore, it is critical also to consider the space for the people to participate and to shape the public policy and development agenda. In this regard, there is relatively an open space for the people to discuss about issues on public policy that has direct impact on their lives. Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) are playing active roles in shaping public policy discussion, and development agendas. Issues, such as petroleum dependency, import dependency, financial sustainability, transparency, corruption, have also been discussed at different level of discussion. People talk about public matters in the cafe, in the restaurants, in the street, in the community meeting, family gathering, wedding party up to traditional ceremony. Social network like Facebook, and Blog become a venue where people contest government’s program and policies. Politics is everywhere in Timor.

Another issue relates to the discussion on failed state is the relationship between state and the society. While state is new, society is not. The society has been existing for generations, with its own culture, practice, tradition, and structure. There are various factors and actors that are at display. Timor-Leste’s society, although its small, it’s diverse. Some of the challenges are not merely the result of failed-policy by the state, but also the product of social dynamic within society.
If the state is the result of a social contract, as the enlightenment thought goes, then it needs to build its legitimacy from the society, because it is one of the great determinant factor in the nation and state building process. This is a never-ending business, as this interaction between state and society is a dynamic process. As a matter of fact, there are many developing countries that are still facing this similar issues especially, when as the state is perceived as an agent that strengthens social inequalities, failing to provide social services and fails to construct a strong national identity that binds people together, or does not have a common objective that could unite people. As a dynamic process, society’s expectations change over time, therefore the way state institutions address the problems, and and its required capacity to do so is also changing.

Finally, state is not merely a product that consists of institutions. It also depends on the legitimacy from the society. Claiming legitimacy from the society is a continuos process, determined by the ability of the state to address these issues that affect people’s daily lives, to provide service, and at the same time, building a sense of identity that bind Timorese together, and building a sense of ownership from the society. At the end what is most important at this point is that people have have confidence on their future, have ownership for their own future; that their future, and the future of their children will be better off. This, again, of course is not an easy task. It is important to acknowledges that all the challenges are there, as such discussion on these challenges are relevant.

Petroleum Dependency is not limited to state’s finance
Fiscal sustainability is an issue that people is aware of in Timor-Leste. Most parties seem to be agreed that it is a result of oil-dependency and lack of coherent policy to develop non-oil sectors. However, there is a tendency to simplify the petroleum-dependency within the financial sustainability only. The reality is that there are many critical issues associated with the petroleum dependency that reinforce each other in a country where private sector was underdeveloped, and majority of the people are still living in subsistence agriculture. Among them are: vulnerability associated with dependence on a single commodity, low domestic production, state’s – society relations, and the healthiness of a society. These problems are not addressed through discovery of another oil fields, and build another oil industry that dominates the entire economy. Another oil industry; without development of other non-oil sectors, might provide revenues for the state, but it reinforces current development model, which is unsustainable.
Firstly, it is economically not sustainable for any country to depend solely on a single commodity. It is even worse if the source of dependency is to depend on a non-renewable resources, such as oil. Thus, even if Timor-Leste has more oil reserve than it currently has. This would not solve entirely the vulnerability of depending on a single commodity. It places the country in vulnerable position toward the prices of oil at the international market. Therefore, economic diversification for the long-term is an imperative for Timor’s future.

Secondly, oil in Timor was already being explored during an illegal occupation. Therefore, when Timor-Leste finally regained its independence in 2002, there was no much space for Timor-Leste to decide when it should to start extracting the oil resources from its resource. On the other hand, oil money tends to disincentive other non-oil sectors, if the money began to pours into domestic economy in a situation where the non-oil economy is still underdeveloped. The oil money incentivize consumption, and disincentivize domestic production. It attracts imports dependency; e.i. once you have money, it is easier to buy goods and services from the outside, rather than to producing it in domestically. Economically, from cost-benefit point of view, it makes sense, because with high inflation, it is less expensive to import than to produce. This has been the case in Timor’s experience during the last six to seven years.

Thirdly, oil in Timor was already explored during an illegal occupation. When Timor-Leste regained its independence, there was not much space available for Timor-Leste to decide on when it should start extracting resource. When oil money began to enter into domestic market in a condition in a situation where non-oil economy is underdeveloped, it directly or indirectly makes harder for non-oil economy to grow. Oil money incentivizes consumption, and disincentivize domestic production. It attracts imports dependency. Once you have money, it is easier to buy goods and services from outside than to produce it in domestic market. Economically it makes sense to do so. With high inflation, it is less expensive to import than to produce domestically. This has been the case in Timor’s experiences during the last six to seven years.

Moreover, dependence on oil is not healthy for society. Oil is a capital-intensive and not labor intensive industry. Oil does not create as many jobs as agriculture or small-scale industries. There are only a small minority of people that benefits it especially, those are directly connected with the oil industry. In Timor’s case, are the people who connect directly to public sectors. In this case, the contractors, the government officials, and the politician. This does not mean that all of the East Timorese people do not benefit from it; but it in relative terms, elites are the ones benefiting more than the rest of the people. It creates inequality between the poor and the rich, urban and rural, and men and women. There is a small number of people who live in Dili. Oil-dependent economy promotes rent-seeking behavior and rent-seeking activities. As the oil provides easy money, the tendency to spend it is also easily. Once the money is poured into the market through State’s annual budget in big amount – in relative term for the domestic economy – it incentivizes people with political and family connection to involve in rent-seeking activities. These involve obtaining the contracts without proper procurement process, being broker for the foreign – owned contractors, or waiting for public transfers without having to work hard for it. This is not limited to public officials, but it also involves the contractors, interests groups, businessman, as well as society in general.

The whole point is that the issue of petroleum dependence in Timor-Leste is not limited to financial sustainability. Framing the issue in this narrow context open the space to think that finding another oil reserve and build domestic oil production will be the solution for Timor’s economy. However, issues associated with oil-dependency is not limited to financing state’s activities. It is also about vulnerability, healthiness of the society, apt development model, and inclusive development, where it does not only benefit everyone. According to research studies, that are publicly available, oil revenues will continue to decline in the near future. The solution is not only to reduce transfers from Petroleum Fund or discover another oil fields and extracting it as soon as possible. Long-term solution will require investment on more sustainable sectors such as education, health, agriculture, industries that will substitute imported goods and services, and building basic infrastructure.

Conclusion
It is important to acknowledge the the and the complex challenges that Timor-Leste is facing. These challenges, although not unique for Timor-Leste, the context of which these challenges exist are unique in Timor’s own history, social, political and economic setting. Timorese have to live with these challenges and working together to overcome them. Viewing these challenges as the product of social and political dynamic and using these challenges as the basis to claim that Timor-Leste is a failed state is ahistorical, missing the context, and it is an oversimplification of the issue. There is no single solution and short-term approach for these challenges. It will require a holistic and long-term approaches. One thing for sure! At the end of the day, Timor’s infinite resource is not the oil and gas, but its people who have fought with high determination for the independence and who have gone through very difficult circumstances in their lives.

The author is Researcher at the Department of Research and Analysis of Presidency of Republic of Timor-Leste, and 2014 The Asia Foundation Development Fellow.

“Per Memoriam Ad Spem”: 15 Years Since the Referendum

Edio Guterres

August 30 is observed as National Holiday in Timor-Leste, dedicated to the “Popular Consultation”. It is a very important day for the nation and the
Timorese as a people, commemorating the United Nations’ supervised plebiscite in 1999 on the international legal status of the then-occupied territory of East Timor. On this day exactly fifteen years ago, 98.6% of East Timorese who registered for the referendum turned out to cast their votes, in what was a showcase of their courage and desire to determine their own destiny in a clear defiance of violent intimidation and terror unleashed by the pro-Indonesia militiamen backed by the TNI. An overwhelming 78.5% voted in favor of rejecting the proposed special autonomy status within the Republic of Indonesia. This plebiscite literally ended the brutal annexation and over 24 years of occupation. Yet, the violence, destruction and bloodshed did not stop there immediately.
In fact, the Commission for Truth and Friendship (CTF), jointly established in March 2005 by Indonesia and Timor-Leste mandated to “establish conclusive truth” about the violence before and after the referendum, found that gross human rights violations in the form of crimes against humanity occurred in East Timor in 1999. CTF, released its final report in 2008 entitled Per Memoriam Ad Spem, Latin for “from Memory comes hope.” It concluded that widespread and systematic crimes against humanity occurred in the forms of murder, forced displacement, illegal detention, sexual violence, forced disappearance and other inhumane acts had taken place during the period the commission was tasked to scrutinize. These acts were commissioned by the pro-autonomy militia groups with “a direct relationship to Indonesian government authorities, and most directly, with the support of the TNI.” The Commission made a number of recommendations to avoid the repetition of similar events in the future. To this day, however, these recommendations have barely been considered, let alone actioned. The report that was submitted to the Heads of State of the two
countries, is yet to be considered by their respective parliaments.
On the 10th anniversary of the Popular Consultation on 30 August 2009, Timor-Leste authorities released a former leader of local militia gang, Maternus Bere” at the “request” of the Indonesian government. Bere had earlier been arrested by the police in the border town of Suai, and subsequently detained at the Becora prison in Dili. He had been indicted by the UN Serious Crimes Unit in 2003 charged with leading the 1999
massacre of around 200 unarmed civilians at the Suai Catholic Church by pro-autonomy militias. The release sparked outcry in Timor-Leste and overseas with various critiques leveled against Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao and President Ramos Horta. In Timor-Leste, it in fact led to a parliamentary motion of no confidence against Gusmao, the first Prime Minister to face such a motion in the young nation’s history.
 
A few hours after Bere’s release, at the State ceremony marking the 10th anniversary, President Ramos Horta “asked” the Indonesian authorities
to return the remains of “our greatest hero Nicolau Lobato.” His plea was made at the event attended by foreign dignitaries amongst which was the Indonesian Foreign Minister Hasan Wirayuda. Bere’s release was reportedly the main condition for Wirayuda’s participation in the ceremony. Speaking to journalists at the end of the ceremony, Wirayuda told media interview that Indonesia “would look into the request”.
Exactly five years have lapsed since the top Indonesian diplomat said his government would look into the request for the return of Lobato, one of the principal founding fathers of Timor-Leste, and yet not a single word has since been uttered on the matter. Lobato was killed in a battle on the new year’s eve of 1978 in the Mindelo mountains of East Timor. His dead body was taken to Dili and placed on display to proof his death to the Indonesian military leadership and dictator Soeharto as well as to show the Timorese that the resistance was over. This was wrong of course, as Indonesia and the World would find out some ten years later on 30 August 1999. Lobato’s next destination after the display remains unknown to this day.
 
 The contrast with the swift action taken by the Timorese authorities to release a detained former local militia leader could not be more stark.
 
On 23 July 2013, President Taur Matan Ruak concluded his State Visit to Indonesia. The choice of Indonesia as destination for his first State Visit did not break the tradition of his predecessors Xanana Gusmao and Jose Ramos Horta, which highlights the importance attached to the bilateral relationship. Speaking in Jakarta during the visit, President Ruak was proud that “Timor-Leste and Indonesia has done in a short time what many
countries have not managed to do in a long time.” Ruak promised to do everything for stronger bilateral relations, guided by the single principle of “looking forward, not forgetting the past.” He extended an invitation to President Yudoyono to visit Timor-Leste before the end of his term in office. In a remarkable statesman-like gesture, President Ruak even visited and laid a wreath at the Jakarta’s Heroes Cemetery in Kalibata to pay his respect
to the heroes of Indonesia. Many of those buried there would have directly chased him in the junggles of Timor-Leste, trying to capture him alive or kill him.
 
Perhaps Taur Matan Ruak and Susilo Bambang Yudoyono are both no fans of megaphone diplomacy, but putting into effect their pledge to building future stronger relations, it is important that Indonesia and Timor-Leste come to terms with the bitter history from which they have only emerged. The twilight of President Yudoyono’s time in office and the relatively fresh new term of President Ruak is the right time to start. Timor-Leste and Indonesia have done a lot in a short time, making their bilateral relations “exemplary.” Yet, 15 years should be long enough for them to start confronting their history, to prove that they have come a long way. This would reflect and celebrate the changing face of Indonesia since the Reformasi; its greater openness, political maturity and prosperity.
 
Timor-Leste has since been waiting for President Yudoyono’s last State Visit. The fact that Yudhoyono did attend Ruak’s invitation with the visit last week, shows the importance Indonesia, or at least Yudhoyono, attaches to the bilateral relation with Timor-Leste. It was a momentous scene to
see President Susilo Bambang Yudoyono replicated the example of President Taur Matan Ruak; paid a visit to the National Heroes Cemetery in Metinaro and paid his respect to the Timorese liberation heroes. It would have been remarkable if at the time of President Yudoyono’s visit, the heroes of Timorese national liberation resting there having amongst them their great leader, the man who had inspired them to be selfless human beings in the last days of their life, sacrificing their own lives for their homeland and people- Nicolau Lobato. As a great hero, Lobato deserves a State honor and as a leader killed in battle field, he should join his fallen soldiers in his right last resting place, the Heroes cemetery in Metinaro.
Regrettably, Yudhoyono’s last visit didn’t leave much apart from adding to the long list of diplomatic niceties and leaders-level reconciliation. But if the leaders of Indonesia and Timor-Leste were to walk their talks of facing the truth and forging real reconciliation, democracy consolidation in Indonesia offers the right opportunity. The strong humanist character of President-elect Joko Widodo and his detachment from this bitter history presents the right momentum. It will be up to Presidents Joko Widodo and Taur Matan Ruak to seize and sowing hope; that truly “Per Memoriam Ad Spem”.
We shall see