FUNSAUN PÚBLIKA EFISIENTE, EFIKÁS NO RESPONSAVEL

FUNSAUN PÚBLIKA EFISIENTE, EFIKÁS NO RESPONSAVEL

Hosi Primeiru-Ministru Dr. Rui Maria de Araújo

Dala barak, iha okaziaun oioin, ha’u reafirma VI Governo Constitucional nia kompromisu hodi halo reforma efetivu ba ita-nia funsaun públika atu ita-nia funsionáriu públiku sira bele sai efisiente liu tan no servisu ho rigór, kualidade, no responsabilidade.

Reforma ba funsaun públika la signifika atu hasai funsionáriu sira husi servisu, indiskriminadamente. Reforma atu hadi’a. Atu hamosu fali administrasaun públika ida ne’ebé efisiente, efikás no responsavel iha ninia prestasaun de servisu ba Povu.

Iha kontestu ida ne’e mak ha’u nu’udár Primeiru-Minstru,iha ha’u-nia knaar atu serví povu, konsiente katak iha duni nesesidade bo’ot no urjente atu hadi’a ita-nia administrasaun públika,fó ona instrusaun atu hapara rekrutamentu ba funsionáriu públiku foun hodi fó tempu atu hadi’a ita-nia sistema atuál, atu halo lai reflesaun, atu hadi’a lai buat sira ne’ebe nesesáriu atu hadi’a.

Bainhira ministériu hotu-hotu halo ona análize ida kle’an no ho rigór ba sira-nia rekursus umanus ne’ebé iha, no bele justifika nesesidade ba funsionáriu foun, mak rekrutamentu foun bele hahú fali.

Comissão da Função Pública (CFP) agora iha ha’u-nia tutela no Gabinete do Primeiro-Ministro sei servisu hamutuk ho CFP atu halo estudu ida detalladu liután kona-ba saida, no oinsá, atu reforma.

Iha ha’u-nia Gabinete ha’u disponibiliza ona tékniku na’in rua atu halo ligasaun ho funsaun públika atu fasilita prosesu ida ne’e.

Ita presiza, no tenke reforma duni ita-nia funsaun públika. Prinsípiu responsabilidade funsionalizmu públiku, ne’ebé bazeia ba sentido-de-Estado, tenke aplika iha setór hotu-hotu iha administrasaun públika, laiha exesaun.

Atu bele realiza vizaun ambisioza ne’ebé inkorpora iha Plano Estratégico de Desenvolvimento Nacional 2011-2030, ne’ebé hakarak transforma Timor-Leste ba nasaun ida ho rendimentu médiu-altu, ita presiza administrasaun públika ida forte, ho rekursus umanus de kualidade.

Ita hotu hakarak funsaun públika ida ho rekoñesimentu liu hosi prestasaun de servisu ne’ebé efisiente, efikás no responsavel, katak funsionáriu ida-idak tenke hala’o ninia knaar ho rigór, kualidade, no responsabilidade.

Momentu ne’e, momentu ida definitivu ba funsionáriu hotu-hotu atu halo introspesaun ba ida-ida nia estatutu profissionál. Imi tenke husu imi nia an rasik: Ha’u servisu ho rigór, ho kualidade no ho responsabilidade ka lae? No servisu ne’e la’ós dala ruma deit; karik dala ruma deit entaun imi falla ona. Servisu ho rigór, kualidade no responsabilidade tenke halo lorloron; prestasaun de servisu labele dala ruma de’it mak di’ak; tenke di’ak beibeik, iha okaziaun no momentu hotu-hotu.

Ne’e duni ha’u hakarak konvida funsionáriu sira hotu-hotu atu kontribui no tau hamutuk hanoin kona-ba oinsá atu ita alkansa vizaun ne’e.

Ita presiza respostas definitivas kona-ba sistema administrasaun públika saida mak ita hakarak adopta. Ita kontinua ho sistema rejime de karreira ka buka adopta sistema rejime de pozisaun? Ka ita hamosu kombinasaun entre sistema rua ne’e?

Iha sistema rejime de karreira, funsionáriu sira hahú ho grau ida no kontinua iha kategoria servisu ida ne’e kontínuamente. Rekrutamentu sira ne’e baibain halo’o iha grupu no avaliasaun bazeia de’it ba kredensiál akadémika ho ezame de entrada. Promosaun ba sistema ida ne’e automátika no bazeia ba senioridade, la’ós méritu.

Sistema ida ne’e fó seguransa de traballu ba funsionáriu sira maibé rekrutamentu bele la korresponde ho nesesidade operasionál i loke marjen ba kandidatu sira ne’ebé laiha kualidade ka laiha kompeténsia adekuada atu tama.

Iha sistema rejime de pozisaun, rekrutamentu bazeia ba kapasidade no kompeténsia individuál korrespondente ho funsaun espesífika ida. Promosaun mós bazeia ba konkursu por méritu. Tanba ne’e, sistema ida ne’e enkoraja transparénsia no limita oportunidade ba hahalok diskriminatóriu tanba nomeasaun bazeia ba esperiénsia, kapasidade no istória de dezempeñu.

Rekrutamentu iha rejime ida ne’e mós dependente ba nesesidade operasionál. Tanba ne’e rekrutamentu sei rezulta iha kreximentu ba produtividade no melloramentu iha atendimentu públiku.

Dalan ida tan mak atu buka oinsá institui sistema de avaliasaun de dezempeñu ida apropriadu, ne’ebé bele garante katak funsionáriu hotu-hotu sei hala’o duni ninia knaar tuir kontratu ne’ebé nia assina ho Estadu nu’udár empregadór.

Ba oin, ha’u nia hakarak mak funsionáriu hotu-hotu simu Termu de Referénsiaida molok hahú servisu. Termu de referénsia ne’e sei tradús ba planu de traballu anuál ho metas apropriadas atu alkansa. Depois, kada trimestre, jestór sira sei avalia funsionáriu sira nia servisu no dezempeñu hodi determina progresu atu atinje meta anuál ne’e. Karik la atinje meta ne’ebé konkorda tiha ona ita tenke hatene tansá; tenke iha justifikasaun klara.

Funsionáriu ne’ebé dezempeña duni ninia knaar sei atinje meta sira ne’e. Se nia la atinje tanba nia laiha kapasidade, ita sei buka maneira seluk atu asiste nia hasa’e ninia kapasidade; ita fó tan oportunidade ida ba nia. Maibé se nia la atinje tanba nia laiha vontade atu servisu, tanbania la iha sentidu-de-Estadu, entaun laiha dalan seluk anaunsér rezigna an husi funsaun públika.

Husi parte Estadu nian nu’udár empregadór, ita kontinua nafatin buka meiu atu hadi’a kondisaun de traballu funsionáriu sira nian. Diskusaun la’o nafatin kona-ba oinsá atu remunera di’ak liu tan funsionáriu sira.

Ita sei estabelese mós sistema ida atu tau matan ba funsionáriu sira ne’ebé reforma ona. Funsionáriu ne’ebé tama ona idade reforma, tenke reforma. Maibé ita mós tenke iha sistema ida atu garante kontinuasaun ba sira-nia moris, ho kondisaun no ho dignidade.

Ita hotu konsiente katak desizaun atu hadi’a funsaunpúblika presiza duni atu akontese i ho urjénsia. Maibé presizamósatu ita hotu servisu hamutuk.

Servisu no prestasaun de servisu ho rigór, ho kualidade, no ho responsabilidaderekere dedikasaun no disiplina tomak hosi funsionáriu hotu-hotu. Ida ne’e no la’ós opsaun maibé kondisaun sine qua nonatu serví Povu Timor-Leste.

Hamutuk, ita bele! Um Por Todos e Todos Por Um!

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FUNSAUN PÚBLIKA EFISIENTE, EFIKÁS NO RESPONSAVEL

FUNSAUN PÚBLIKA EFISIENTE, EFIKÁS NO RESPONSAVEL

Hosi Primeiru-Ministru Dr. Rui Maria de Araújo

Dala barak, iha okaziaun oioin, ha’u reafirma VI Governo Constitucional nia kompromisu hodi halo reforma efetivu ba ita-nia funsaun públika atu ita-nia funsionáriu públiku sira bele sai efisiente liu tan no servisu ho rigór, kualidade, no responsabilidade.

Reforma ba funsaun públika la signifika atu hasai funsionáriu sira husi servisu, indiskriminadamente. Reforma atu hadi’a. Atu hamosu fali administrasaun públika ida ne’ebé efisiente, efikás no responsavel iha ninia prestasaun de servisu ba Povu.

Iha kontestu ida ne’e mak ha’u nu’udár Primeiru-Minstru,iha ha’u-nia knaar atu serví povu, konsiente katak iha duni nesesidade bo’ot no urjente atu hadi’a ita-nia administrasaun públika,fó ona instrusaun atu hapara rekrutamentu ba funsionáriu públiku foun hodi fó tempu atu hadi’a ita-nia sistema atuál, atu halo lai reflesaun, atu hadi’a lai buat sira ne’ebe nesesáriu atu hadi’a.

Bainhira ministériu hotu-hotu halo ona análize ida kle’an no ho rigór ba sira-nia rekursus umanus ne’ebé iha, no bele justifika nesesidade ba funsionáriu foun, mak rekrutamentu foun bele hahú fali.

Comissão da Função Pública (CFP) agora iha ha’u-nia tutela no Gabinete do Primeiro-Ministro sei servisu hamutuk ho CFP atu halo estudu ida detalladu liután kona-ba saida, no oinsá, atu reforma.

Iha ha’u-nia Gabinete ha’u disponibiliza ona tékniku na’in rua atu halo ligasaun ho funsaun públika atu fasilita prosesu ida ne’e.

Ita presiza, no tenke reforma duni ita-nia funsaun públika. Prinsípiu responsabilidade funsionalizmu públiku, ne’ebé bazeia ba sentido-de-Estado, tenke aplika iha setór hotu-hotu iha administrasaun públika, laiha exesaun.

Atu bele realiza vizaun ambisioza ne’ebé inkorpora iha Plano Estratégico de Desenvolvimento Nacional 2011-2030, ne’ebé hakarak transforma Timor-Leste ba nasaun ida ho rendimentu médiu-altu, ita presiza administrasaun públika ida forte, ho rekursus umanus de kualidade.

Ita hotu hakarak funsaun públika ida ho rekoñesimentu liu hosi prestasaun de servisu ne’ebé efisiente, efikás no responsavel, katak funsionáriu ida-idak tenke hala’o ninia knaar ho rigór, kualidade, no responsabilidade.

Momentu ne’e, momentu ida definitivu ba funsionáriu hotu-hotu atu halo introspesaun ba ida-ida nia estatutu profissionál. Imi tenke husu imi nia an rasik: Ha’u servisu ho rigór, ho kualidade no ho responsabilidade ka lae? No servisu ne’e la’ós dala ruma deit; karik dala ruma deit entaun imi falla ona. Servisu ho rigór, kualidade no responsabilidade tenke halo lorloron; prestasaun de servisu labele dala ruma de’it mak di’ak; tenke di’ak beibeik, iha okaziaun no momentu hotu-hotu.

Ne’e duni ha’u hakarak konvida funsionáriu sira hotu-hotu atu kontribui no tau hamutuk hanoin kona-ba oinsá atu ita alkansa vizaun ne’e.

Ita presiza respostas definitivas kona-ba sistema administrasaun públika saida mak ita hakarak adopta. Ita kontinua ho sistema rejime de karreira ka buka adopta sistema rejime de pozisaun? Ka ita hamosu kombinasaun entre sistema rua ne’e?

Iha sistema rejime de karreira, funsionáriu sira hahú ho grau ida no kontinua iha kategoria servisu ida ne’e kontínuamente. Rekrutamentu sira ne’e baibain halo’o iha grupu no avaliasaun bazeia de’it ba kredensiál akadémika ho ezame de entrada. Promosaun ba sistema ida ne’e automátika no bazeia ba senioridade, la’ós méritu.

Sistema ida ne’e fó seguransa de traballu ba funsionáriu sira maibé rekrutamentu bele la korresponde ho nesesidade operasionál i loke marjen ba kandidatu sira ne’ebé laiha kualidade ka laiha kompeténsia adekuada atu tama.

Iha sistema rejime de pozisaun, rekrutamentu bazeia ba kapasidade no kompeténsia individuál korrespondente ho funsaun espesífika ida. Promosaun mós bazeia ba konkursu por méritu. Tanba ne’e, sistema ida ne’e enkoraja transparénsia no limita oportunidade ba hahalok diskriminatóriu tanba nomeasaun bazeia ba esperiénsia, kapasidade no istória de dezempeñu.

Rekrutamentu iha rejime ida ne’e mós dependente ba nesesidade operasionál. Tanba ne’e rekrutamentu sei rezulta iha kreximentu ba produtividade no melloramentu iha atendimentu públiku.

Dalan ida tan mak atu buka oinsá institui sistema de avaliasaun de dezempeñu ida apropriadu, ne’ebé bele garante katak funsionáriu hotu-hotu sei hala’o duni ninia knaar tuir kontratu ne’ebé nia assina ho Estadu nu’udár empregadór.

Ba oin, ha’u nia hakarak mak funsionáriu hotu-hotu simu Termu de Referénsiaida molok hahú servisu. Termu de referénsia ne’e sei tradús ba planu de traballu anuál ho metas apropriadas atu alkansa. Depois, kada trimestre, jestór sira sei avalia funsionáriu sira nia servisu no dezempeñu hodi determina progresu atu atinje meta anuál ne’e. Karik la atinje meta ne’ebé konkorda tiha ona ita tenke hatene tansá; tenke iha justifikasaun klara.

Funsionáriu ne’ebé dezempeña duni ninia knaar sei atinje meta sira ne’e. Se nia la atinje tanba nia laiha kapasidade, ita sei buka maneira seluk atu asiste nia hasa’e ninia kapasidade; ita fó tan oportunidade ida ba nia. Maibé se nia la atinje tanba nia laiha vontade atu servisu, tanbania la iha sentidu-de-Estadu, entaun laiha dalan seluk anaunsér rezigna an husi funsaun públika.

Husi parte Estadu nian nu’udár empregadór, ita kontinua nafatin buka meiu atu hadi’a kondisaun de traballu funsionáriu sira nian. Diskusaun la’o nafatin kona-ba oinsá atu remunera di’ak liu tan funsionáriu sira.

Ita sei estabelese mós sistema ida atu tau matan ba funsionáriu sira ne’ebé reforma ona. Funsionáriu ne’ebé tama ona idade reforma, tenke reforma. Maibé ita mós tenke iha sistema ida atu garante kontinuasaun ba sira-nia moris, ho kondisaun no ho dignidade.

Ita hotu konsiente katak desizaun atu hadi’a funsaunpúblika presiza duni atu akontese i ho urjénsia. Maibé presizamósatu ita hotu servisu hamutuk.

Servisu no prestasaun de servisu ho rigór, ho kualidade, no ho responsabilidaderekere dedikasaun no disiplina tomak hosi funsionáriu hotu-hotu. Ida ne’e no la’ós opsaun maibé kondisaun sine qua nonatu serví Povu Timor-Leste.

Hamutuk, ita bele! Um Por Todos e Todos Por Um!

Kraras: The land of widows through the lens of A Guerra de Beatriz

Kraras: The land of widows through the lens of A Guerra de Beatriz

Ivo Mateus Goncalves[1]

When the first time I heard about A Guerra de Beatriz and read through the banner and advertisement that sprung up in the main road and slum dweller of Dili, one thing that crossed over into my mind was ‘it might be a piece of documentary movie, or short story about war and peace’ to cite Leo Tolstoy great novel therefore, not really attract my attention. There has been endless debate about the movie ever since, thus really intrigued me to know more. After collecting few articles and opinion that has been published by international news paper as well as the update news letter regarding every progress of the making of the movie from the crew website, and I decided to watch the movie with my own eyes. When the movie end, I really consoled myself that it is a great work that I, we and Timorese in general have been waiting for.

There has been lots of movie feature that described the Pol Pot’s cruelty and genocide in Cambodia, mass pogrom in Rwanda, and ethnic cleansing in Balkan. But very few that has been filming about East-Timor, it does not mean that I am totally ignore or deny some documentary movie on human rights violation which taken place in East-Timor during Indonesian military occupation and in the aftermath of popular consultation which really placed the ‘Land of crocodile’ in the world’s map. I have been watching another movie on East-Timor tragedy such as ‘answer by fire’, but A Guerra de Beatriz presenting before us one of the biggest massacre against unarmed civilian in an remote area and both local and international media did not notice anything on the barbaric killing, due to the political censorship that put into effect by the occupation regime, makes our hearts thump and our hair stand on end.

The setting was in the village of Kraras located in the District of Viqueque on the south coast. In 1983 there was a ceasefire agreement between Falintil that lead by Xanana Gusmao and Indonesian armed force which represented by Colonel Gatot Purwanto in the village of Lariguto Sub-district of Venilale (Baucau. A series of political negotiation was taken place between Xanana Gusmao and Indonesia appointed governor in East-Timor, Mario Viegas Carrascalao before lead to the agreement. Both parties agree that Falintil will move freely and back and forth in the site that has been agreed upon, as well as receive medical treatment, visiting their families and organize friendly match with the common people. The agreement applied to every territory in Timor-Leste.

Both parties have their own hidden agenda, Indonesia military really wanted to use the ceasefire to explore the Falintil strength. On the other hand Falintil force that has been suffered from serious casualties due to the lost of almost 80% of his leaders and soldiers—has a plan to reorganize their force that still scattered around in some part of East-Timor, and establish the link of underground movement.

But the ceasefire was last longer when Benny Moerdani was appointed as new commander of Indonesian armed force to succeed General Yusuf. Moerdani unilaterally broke the ceasefire, launching a new military offensive, which so called Operasi Persatuan (Operation Unity). He threatened: ‘this time, no fooling around. We are going to hit them without mercy.’ Unfortunately, Murdani’s role is rarely mentioned in the movie instead of Prabowo Subianto, former Indonesian dictator Soeharto son in law.

In responds to the Moerdani’s statement, in August 1983, the ceasefire broke in the eastern town of Kraras, after a unit of East Timorese Hansip (Pertahanan Sipil our civilian auxiliary) members, together with Falintil fighters, killed 12 Indonesian soldiers. The Indonesian military responded with a series of massacre of local civilians and a crackdown in the eastern region.

Killing, arrested, tortured and mass grave was common feature immediately after the massacre. At another scene of the movie, Sumitro (Jojo Sarmento) ordered the unarmed civilian split up themselves between men and women. He then asked the men, young and older as well as teenage to lining up, the soldiers opened fire into the crowd and killed all of them. This feature are really in common with the real tragedy, according to the legitimate source about 200 hundred people were burned alive in their homes. Indonesian troops then carried out a ‘clean sweep’ operation around the village of Bibleu, as a result of which 500 people were killed on the bank of the river. Ever since, Kraras was well known as the ‘The land of the widows.’ An eyewitness account described that ‘the soldier opened his mouth, showing his teeth with a smile, and said a sentence which was regarded to be part of the wisdom of Java. He said: ‘When you clean your field, don’t you kill all the snakes, the small and large alike?’.

A piece of historical sequence that has been described in above passage is composed in A Guerra de Beatriz. A brilliant epic of love and heroic struggle, betrayal, sacrifice and the rise and fall of the independence movement. Sense of self sacrifice to the loves one was well represented by Celestino dos Anjos (Falintil fighter), bravado and faithful—in the epoch of unfaithfulness—was embodied through Beatriz herself, wisdom and restraint was expressed really well by Tereza.

The long voyage from Kraras to the ‘new promise land’ by Indonesian military at Lalerek Mutin after the massacre was another scene that missed in A Guerra de Beatriz. According to many sources, the long journey from Kraras to Lalerek Mutin caused many death tolls; the number was even higher than in Kraras when pogrom was taken place.

While intrauterine devices compete with bombs and machine-gun salvos to arrest the growth of the Vietnamese population, in Lalerek Mutin (the new settlement) it is more hygienic and effective to kill guerrilleros in the womb then in the mountains or the village. Various military doctors have sterilized thousands of women in Lalerek Mutin, although this is the least populated habitable zone in Viqueque district. This human tragedy also does not appeared in A Guerra de Beatriz.

The role of the church is well represented by Father Nicolau (Osme). Father Nicolau reminiscent the audience on the late Dom Martinho Lopes, a fearless critic of Indonesian military occupation. He was expelled from Timor-Leste in 1983 and sent to Portugal after Indonesian government posed serious political pressure on Vatican on his role in supporting the liberation movement.

If you cannot fight them, bully them. This metaphor was well applicable by Tereza when he got married with and Indonesian captain Sumitro. ‘We should get married with the man around us and in another village to give us more children which will take up the struggle,’ Beatriz said bitterly.

Amidst some missing link in the features, such as when Pedro Cortes was called uncle by a young women and Pedro answer ‘cousin’ all of a sudden. And when Pedro and Beatriz swamp in the beach, a drunken man appeared all of a sudden and tried to harass Beatriz sexually. The unknown man eventually opened up Pedro’s pass as one of Tim Alfa member (a group of militia, which located in the district of Lospalos, the eastern part.

But generally speaking, A Guerra de Beatriz has laid the ground work for the East-Timorese to tell their own history, or provide an opportunity for people that speechless to ‘have a say.’ Especially the role of women to tell her-story while the discourse on historiography has always placed the male on the center stage of every big event.

[1] Historical researcher based in Dili, Timor-Leste.

Kraras: The land of widows through the lens of A Guerra de Beatriz

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Kraras: The land of widows through the lens of A Guerra de Beatriz

Ivo Mateus Goncalves

When the first time I heard about A Guerra de Beatriz and read through the banner and advertisement that sprung up in the main road and slum dweller of Dili, one thing that crossed over into my mind was ‘it might be a piece of documentary movie, or short story about war and peace’ to cite Leo Tolstoy great novel therefore, not really attract my attention. There has been endless debate about the movie ever since, thus really intrigued me to know more. After collecting few articles and opinion that has been published by international news paper as well as the update news letter regarding every progress of the making of the movie from the crew website, and I decided to watch the movie with my own eyes. When the movie end, I really consoled myself that it is a great work that I, we and Timorese in general have been waiting for.
There has been lots of movie feature that described the Pol Pot’s cruelty and genocide in Cambodia, mass pogrom in Rwanda, and ethnic cleansing in Balkan. But very few that has been filming about East-Timor, it does not mean that I am totally ignore or deny some documentary movie on human rights violation which taken place in East-Timor during Indonesian military occupation and in the aftermath of popular consultation which really placed the ‘Land of crocodile’ in the world’s map. I have been watching another movie on East-Timor tragedy such as ‘answer by fire’, but A Guerra de Beatriz presenting before us one of the biggest massacre against unarmed civilian in an remote area and both local and international media did not notice anything on the barbaric killing, due to the political censorship that put into effect by the occupation regime, makes our hearts thump and our hair stand on end.
The setting was in the village of Kraras located in the District of Viqueque on the south coast. In 1983 there was a ceasefire agreement between Falintil that lead by Xanana Gusmao and Indonesian armed force which represented by Colonel Gatot Purwanto in the village of Lariguto Sub-district of Venilale (Baucau. A series of political negotiation was taken place between Xanana Gusmao and Indonesia appointed governor in East-Timor, Mario Viegas Carrascalao before lead to the agreement. Both parties agree that Falintil will move freely and back and forth in the site that has been agreed upon, as well as receive medical treatment, visiting their families and organize friendly match with the common people. The agreement applied to every territory in Timor-Leste.
Both parties have their own hidden agenda, Indonesia military really wanted to use the ceasefire to explore the Falintil strength. On the other hand Falintil force that has been suffered from serious casualties due to the lost of almost 80% of his leaders and soldiers—has a plan to reorganize their force that still scattered around in some part of East-Timor, and establish the link of underground movement.
But the ceasefire was last longer when Benny Moerdani was appointed as new commander of Indonesian armed force to succeed General Yusuf. Moerdani unilaterally broke the ceasefire, launching a new military offensive, which so called Operasi Persatuan (Operation Unity). He threatened: ‘this time, no fooling around. We are going to hit them without mercy.’ Unfortunately, Murdani’s role is rarely mentioned in the movie instead of Prabowo Subianto, former Indonesian dictator Soeharto son in law.
In responds to the Moerdani’s statement, in August 1983, the ceasefire broke in the eastern town of Kraras, after a unit of East Timorese Hansip (Pertahanan Sipil our civilian auxiliary) members, together with Falintil fighters, killed 12 Indonesian soldiers. The Indonesian military responded with a series of massacre of local civilians and a crackdown in the eastern region.

Killing, arrested, tortured and mass grave was common feature immediately after the massacre. At another scene of the movie, Sumitro (Jojo Sarmento) ordered the unarmed civilian split up themselves between men and women. He then asked the men, young and older as well as teenage to lining up, the soldiers opened fire into the crowd and killed all of them. This feature are really in common with the real tragedy, according to the legitimate source about 200 hundred people were burned alive in their homes. Indonesian troops then carried out a ‘clean sweep’ operation around the village of Bibleu, as a result of which 500 people were killed on the bank of the river. Ever since, Kraras was well known as the ‘The land of the widows.’ An eyewitness account described that ‘the soldier opened his mouth, showing his teeth with a smile, and said a sentence which was regarded to be part of the wisdom of Java. He said: ‘When you clean your field, don’t you kill all the snakes, the small and large alike?’.

A piece of historical sequence that has been described in above passage is composed in A Guerra de Beatriz. A brilliant epic of love and heroic struggle, betrayal, sacrifice and the rise and fall of the independence movement. Sense of self sacrifice to the loves one was well represented by Celestino dos Anjos (Falintil fighter), bravado and faithful—in the epoch of unfaithfulness—was embodied through Beatriz herself, wisdom and restraint was expressed really well by Tereza.
The long voyage from Kraras to the ‘new promise land’ by Indonesian military at Lalerek Mutin after the massacre was another scene that missed in A Guerra de Beatriz. According to many sources, the long journey from Kraras to Lalerek Mutin caused many death tolls; the number was even higher than in Kraras when pogrom was taken place.
While intrauterine devices compete with bombs and machine-gun salvos to arrest the growth of the Vietnamese population, in Lalerek Mutin (the new settlement) it is more hygienic and effective to kill guerrilleros in the womb then in the mountains or the village. Various military doctors have sterilized thousands of women in Lalerek Mutin, although this is the least populated habitable zone in Viqueque district. This human tragedy also does not appeared in A Guerra de Beatriz.
The role of the church is well represented by Father Nicolau (Osme). Father Nicolau reminiscent the audience on the late Dom Martinho Lopes, a fearless critic of Indonesian military occupation. He was expelled from Timor-Leste in 1983 and sent to Portugal after Indonesian government posed serious political pressure on Vatican on his role in supporting the liberation movement.
If you cannot fight them, bully them. This metaphor was well applicable by Tereza when he got married with and Indonesian captain Sumitro. ‘We should get married with the man around us and in another village to give us more children which will take up the struggle,’ Beatriz said bitterly.
Amidst some missing link in the features, such as when Pedro Cortes was called uncle by a young women and Pedro answer ‘cousin’ all of a sudden. And when Pedro and Beatriz swamp in the beach, a drunken man appeared all of a sudden and tried to harass Beatriz sexually. The unknown man eventually opened up Pedro’s pass as one of Tim Alfa member (a group of militia, which located in the district of Lospalos, the eastern part.
But generally speaking, A Guerra de Beatriz has laid the ground work for the East-Timorese to tell their own history, or provide an opportunity for people that speechless to ‘have a say.’ Especially the role of women to tell her-story while the discourse on historiography has always placed the male on the center stage of every big event.

Managing Diversity: Changing Aid Landscape in Timor-Leste

Managing Diversity: Changing Aid Landscape in Timor-Leste[i]

 Guteriano Neves[ii]

Introduction

In the history of Timor-Leste, international aid has been an important element, particularly during the period between 1999 and 2005. At that time, donors’ financial support contributes to more than 50% of the total public expenditure. It is through this financial support that finances the reconstruction and development process, to pay the salary of the public employee. At present, financially, aid’s contribution toward the public expenditure is around 10%, and expected to decrease in the coming years. This trend, however, does not reduce the importance of development partnership. In fact, as the world is more integrated and interdependent, aid is not solely about financial aid. It is important to frame aid as a part of the relationship between country to country. Nowdays, knowledge sharing, people to people relations, and equal partnership become more important.

Aid in Timor

What Timor-Leste is today, is the result of a long process. Revisiting the history of Timor-Leste, especially from 1999 to 2005, International Aid plays an important role in the development of the country. Aid was an important element of the international community’s contribution to the processes of nation and state building in Timor-Leste. Donors money were used to build basic infrastructures such as schools, hospitals, and roads as well as to pay for the salaries of public employees, to assure law enforcement efforts and others. There were numerous community development projects implemented by the donors and aid agencies, such as Community Empowerment Project, RESPECT[iii], and AMCAP[iv].

Donors used different means to channel their financial aid. Among them were Consolidated Fund for East Timor (CFET), Trust Fund for East Timor (TFET), UN Regular Fund, UN Assessed Fund, Bilateral and Multilateral Fund, and Funding through Non-Governmental Organizations.[v]

Numerous studies have since been commissioned on the experience of Timor-Leste as recipient of international aid. A general conclusion is that Timor-Leste would have been better today, had the aid money been wisely and properly invested. Various issues discussed including: the competing narratives about the real problems, spending on Timor but not in Timor, lack of long-term vision, lack of consultation with local authority, lack of transparency and accountability mechanism, fermenting the mentality of dependency, lack of ownership, imposing donors’ agenda, and the list goes on.

Timor’s experience reaffirms what have globally been accepted as the shortcomings of international aid in addressing problems in post-conflict societies. As such, these are not unique for Timor; although Timor’s context is an important factor when it comes to specific problems and how these problems transpire in Timor.

Changing Aid Landscape in Timor

Nonetheless, the international aid landscape in Timor-Leste is changing. Different factors contribute to this changing nature. One such factor is the international campaign for more effective international aid. The emergence of the g7+ group and the new approach in the way Timor-Leste Government perceives aid is another. Also, change in international economy brings about new countries into the list of donors. In Timor-Leste, China, South Korea and Brazil becoming increasingly important as a result. On top of these, the revenues from the oil and gas resources since 2005 has changed the way international aid is spent and perceived in Timor-Leste.

In terms of aid delivery in dollar term, the amount of the development partners’ contribution has not changed much. What changes, however, is the State Budget. Right now, in terms of annual real expenditures, development partners have been spending a bit more than US$ 200 million per year in the past 11 years. This represents around 10% – 12% of the total public expenditure. For example, in 2013, the Combined Sources Budget for Timor-Leste on an initial budget basis was US$1,850.9 million, comprised of US$1,647.5 million in general state budget and US$203.4 million in development assistance on off-budget grant basis. ODA in off-budget grant represented 10.9% of the initial total public spending. It is expected that aid would decrease significantly from 2015 onwards.

Almost 90% of the annual state budget is financed from the Petroleum Fund; with the remaining covered by domestic revenues. It is through state budget that the government finances essential sectors such as infrastructure, basic service such as education and health, paying public employee, ensure law enforcement, and other development programs. The rapid expansion of the state budget also financing the implementation of multi-mullion dollar projects, such as electrification of the country, Special Economic Zone, the south coast petrochemical industry hub and others. This highlights the contrast with the budget situation just over a decade ago.

The international donors, meanwhile, continue to provide visible supports in several sectors such as water and sanitation, judicial sector, institutional strengthening, community policing, domestic violence and others. Development agencies also sometimes co-support the programs initiated by the Government that target the rural community. One such example is the PNDS[vi] program, which is supported by the Australian DFAT with assistance from other partners. Development assistance have also taken the form of placing advisers in several Ministries and State department under the program of institutional building.

All of the above has resulted in another significant change in this particular relationship; that it is no longer about Donor-Recipient relationship but Partnership in development. Previously, Timor-Leste was perceived as a mere recipient country. This crafted the tendency to view Timor-Leste as a sick-man needs remedy from the donors’ agency. Now, the change in relationship brings about a more equal relations and partnership. Every year, the Government organizes Development Partner Meeting, which, theoretically speaking, is to review the success and challenges of development process and how to improve them. This mechanism is based on the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness principle, which is about effective and inclusive partnership.

Transparency in Aid Management is another change that is evident. Right now, the government is putting in place mechanisms to coordinate all aid money spent in Timor-Leste. The Aid Transparency Portal allows the public to track donors’ annual spending, the commitment they make, disbursement, and which agency is responsible for which programs. It is expected that this effort will contribute to improve aid management, make reporting more accurate and predictable, better reporting and better coordination and more effective in responding to the development priorities. This helps the public to understand where the aid is going as well as to track their impacts.

Historically, Timor-Leste has benefit considerably from international solidarity from across the globe in its struggle for independence. This, perhaps, has taught Timor-Leste to appreciate the fact that it also has the duty to contribute to a better world. So, within what she can, Timor-Leste has been active in various areas. Its leading roles in g7+, now as chair of the CPLP[vii], financial support for Guinea Bissau Crisis, contribution to the international fight against Ebola and humanitarian assistance to the victims of natural disaster such as in Thailand and Malaysia, to mention a few of moderate contribution Timor-Leste has made. Between 2008 and 2014, Timor-Leste has financially contributed some $24.8 million. Timor’s contribution is not limited to financial aspect. Timor-Leste, for instance, is playing leading role facilitating experience and knowledge sharing within the g7+ of the war and conflict affected countries.

Way Ahead

Timor’s experience in the past once again has manifested what has been globally documented as the problem with international aid. However, the change since 2007 as posed the question of whether or not Timor-Leste is still in need for international aid. In order to answer this question, it is important to note at the outset aid is not a dollar matter only. It is imperative to approach aid from a macro-level, by looking at relations between countries. In that framework of thinking, financial aid is only one part of relation between country to country. Therefore, aid is still and will continue to be an important element of Timor’s development. Its form, technicality and priority areas are somewhat debatable, but it is an important element of Timor’s development regardless.

So, in terms of the way ahead, there are various mechanisms to be considered. First is changing the relationship. It is not donor-recipient, but partnership where both parties can put together their resources for development. The resource here is not limited to financial resources. It also involves know-how, local context, and experiences. When it comes to technical assistance. Technical advisers need to work together with their counterparts. Counterpart should not be looked down on as “KNOW NOTHING.” By acknowledging their existence, their history and experiences, the context they have been through, we can create a better partnership. At the same time, institutions are still under the development and it is evolving. Partners need to consider that working in such environment pose different challenges and dynamic from working in a country where institutions have been well developed.

As aid is a small part of the relations between Timor and its development partners; it is also important to explore different venues where people to people relations are promoted. It will strengthen people to people relations, knowledge sharing, mutual understanding and solidarity among people. It is important that solidarity cannot be limited to State-to-State relations.

In terms of areas of priorities, there are various areas that are important for Timor’s long-term development. One such important area is youth and education. One cannot ignore that education is key driver for change. An example is that of the Australian Development Scholarship (ADS) Program in Timor-Leste that has contributed to changing young people’s lives and enables many of ADS Scholarship recipients to play key roles in Timorese public policy making.

Public Health is another important sector. This involves access to clean water, sanitation, food availability. Malnutrition is a cross-cutting issue in public health in Timor-Leste. It is positive to see that so far, many aid agencies have involved in trying to solve these issues. For future, partnership on these issues is still critical. For if they are not rightly addressed, it will be very costly for the future; as it will reduce the productivity, increase the cost of public health.

Conclusion

There are a couple of final points to make in conclusion. Firstly, as the international economic landscape is changing and the realization of the fact that aid is not effective, it changes the way aid is perceived and spent in Timor. Secondly, aid cannot be limited financial aspect only. It needs to be framed within the broader framework of thinking; which is the country-to-country relationship. In that framework, aid is still and will be an important element of Timor’s development, as Timor-Leste is part of larger part of the international community.

[i] This presentation paper was presented at the Annual Australasia Aid Conference, organized by The Development Policy Center and the Asia Founadtion, Canberra, February 12th, 2015, Canberra, Australia

[ii] Researcher and Adviser on Political Economy at the Presidency of the Republic of Timor-Leste, 2014 Asia Foundation Development Fellow.

[iii] The Recovery, Employment and Stability Program for Ex-Combatants and Communities in Timor-Leste (RESPECT)

[iv] Ainaro-Manatuto Community Activation Project (AMCAP)

[v] More about this can be accessed at http://www.laohamutuk.org/reports/06ParadoxOfAid.htm

[vi] PNDS stands for Progama Nasional Dezenvolvimentu Suku or National Program for Sucu Development

[vii] Communidade dos Países de Lingua Portuguesa

Prezidencia Republika Halao Seminar kona ba Governasaun Lokal

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Iha loron Terca, 10 Marsu 2015 Prezidencia Republika liu husi Departementu Analisa no Peskija halao seminar ida ho tema: Governansaun Lokal: Esperiencia no pratika sira diak husi Estadu Unidus Amerika (EUA) no Timor-Leste. Orador nain tolu iha seminar ne’e mak hanesan Sr. Miguel Pereira de Carvalho, Director General ba Desenvolvementu Lokal, Ministeriu Administrasaun Interna, Sr. Mike Davis, City Administrator & Director of Community Development, City of Middleton, Wisconsin no Sr. Radford L. Thomas, Director of Public Utilities, City of Lenoir, North Carolina. Seminar loron sorin ne’e modera husi Sr. Hugo Fernandes husi Asia Foundation no hetan partisipante ho total liu ema nain 80 husi membru Governu, Prezidencia Republika, akademiku sira no sosiedade sivil ne’ebe servisu iha area governansaun lokal iha Timor-Leste.

Iha seminar ne’e Sr. Miguel Pereira de Carvalho nia apresentasaun foka ba prosesu desentralizasaun iha Timor-Leste no desenvolmentu lokal desde 2004. Orador nain rua seluk husi EUA mos koalia kona ba sira nia sistema governasaun lokal iha ne’eba. Sr. Mike Davis nia apresentasaun ho titulu “Governu Lokal iha Estadu Unidus” no Sr. Radford Thomas nia apresentasaun foka ba asuntu “Governu ho forma Jestor-Konsellu”. Seminar ida ne’e loke husi Adjunto Chefe Casa Civil, Sr. Aniceto Neves. Iha nia diskursu abertura, Sr. Aniceto Neves hateten katak, “mesmu ke Estadu Unidus no Timor-Leste iha diferensia ne’ebe bo’ot tebes, maibe Timor-Leste hanesan nasaun foun ida iha oportunidade atu nauk matenek, esperiensia no pratika diak sira husi rai establisidu sira hanesan Estadu Unidus, liuliu tamba Timor-Leste agora dadaun iha hela prosesu desentralizasaun nia laran ka prosesu atu hari’i ninia governu sira lokal”. Sra. Elena Seong, Public Affairs Officer Interinu nudar representante husi Embaixada Estadu Unidus iha Dili iha ninia diskursu hateten katak, “Governu Timor-Leste ne’ebe komesa dadaun ona desentraliza ninia administrasaun atu bele fornese servisu publiku diak liu tan ba komunidade sira, esperiensia  husi sidade rua iha Amerika ne’ebe desentraliza loos ona sei vale tebes”.

Seminariu ida ne’e hanesan parte ida husi programa troka visita entre EUA no nasaun 44 sira seluk organiza husi ICMA (International City/County Management) ho fundus husi Governu Estadu Unidus. Iha tinan 2014 grupu Timoroan hamutuk nain 14 ba tiha ona EUA iha fulan Junhu no Outubro hodi aprende no hare rasik kona ba lalaok governasaun lokal iha UEA no Sr. Mike Davis no Sr. Radford Thomas hanesan representante husi UEA mai visita fali Timor-Leste.

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Prezidensia da Republika organiza Aprezentasaun Premiu Peskiza Prezidensia nian

KOMUNIKADU IMPRENSA

CASA CIVIL

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Prezidensia da Republika, liu hosi Departementu Peskiza no Analiza organiza diskusaun loron rua lori rona aprezentasaun rezultad final ba Premiu Peskiza Prezidensia da Republika 2014 nian. Iha loron 18 no 19 de Fevereiru, Prezidensia da Republika, liu hosi Departementu Peskiza no Analiza organiza diskusaun lori rona aprezentasaun final hosi manan nain Premiu Peskiza Prezidensia nian. Aprezentasaun final ida ne’e nuudar parte ida hosi Premiu ida ne’e depois de halo peskiza no no prepara relatorio. Aprezentador no topiku sira ne’e mak:

  1. Zulmira Ximenes da Costa –“Uma Caracterização dos Imigrantes em Timor-Leste de 2009 a Junho 2014”
  2. Cidália do Rosário da Cruz no Sr. Francisco dos Reis de Araújo– “Cidadãos Académicos do Ensino Superior Timorense Ativos no uso das Linguas Oficias – Facilidades e Dificuldades no Processo de Ensino-Aprendizagem”
  3. Elizabeth Amaral – Human Resource and Productivity in Timor-Leste.”
  4. Dr. Acacio Cardoso Amaral – “Prevalence of Ascarissuum in Timor Leste”
  5. Dirce Maria Soares – “Fatór sira-ne’ebé influensia koñesimentu inan nian kona-ba prátika fó-han labarik ho idade fulan 0-23 iha Sub-Distritu Dom Aleixo“

Chefe Casa Civil, Sr. Fidelis M.L. Magalhães iha diskursu abertura hateten katak inisiativa hosi Premiu ida ne’e mak atu promove uzu evidensia iha politika publiku mos atu insentiva Peskizador Timor oan sira iha area peskiza nian, tanba dala barak peskiza kona ba Timor ne’e akademiku hosi rai liur mak halo. Chefe Casa Civil ne’e mos hatoo parabens ba manan nain sira tanba sira nia susesu, no mos hatoo agradese ba parte hotu ne’ebe kontribui iha prosesu ida ne’e liliu membru Jury sira ne’ebe ho voluntariu halo fo sira nia tempu lori halo selesaun no halo akompanhamentu ba peskizador sira.

Durante loron baluk rua, manan nain sira hatoo sira na aprezentasaun no hetan partisipasaun hosi audiensia sira relasiona ho asuntu sira ne’ebe sira halo peskiza ba. Partisipante sira mai hosi instituisaun oioin; staff Prezidensia rasik, membru jury sira, reprezentante ONG sira, ajensia dezenvolvimentu sira, individual balu ne’ebe iha interese ba asuntu sira ne’e, no estudante sira ne’ebe sira nia area estudu iha relasaun ba topiku sira ne’e.

Premiu Peskiza Prezidensia da Republika nuudar programa xavi ida Prezidensia nian lori fo oportunidade ba Timor oan atu partisipa iha prosesu dezenvolvimentu liu hosi peskiza no produsaun koñesementu no promove evidensia iha politika publiku. 2014 nuudar tinan dahuluk programa ne’ hahu no prosesu ba 2015 nian hahu ona.

Premiu Peskiza Prezidensia 2015 nian

CASA CIVIL

DEPARTAMENTO ANÁLISE E PESQUISA

Prezidénsia Repúblika konvida Timoroan sira atu mai hatama aplikasaun ba Premiu Peskiza 2015 nian

Prezidénsia da Repúblika iha fundu ba peskija (topiku 9) ba Timoroan sira ne’ebé iha vizaun, hanoin inovativu, prestasaun diak no kapasidade ne’ebé aas hodi halo peskiza iha area politika publiku (public policy) iha Timor-Leste.

Tópiku sira sei inklui:

1. Produtividade Foin-sa’e sira-nian
2. Ekonomia Alternativu
3. Asesu ba Justisa
4. Medisina Tradisionál
5. Responsabilidade Sívika
6. Seguransa Públika
7. Transferénsia Osan
8. Uma Komunitáriu
9. Kultura no Identidade

Projetu ida-idak sei hetan fundus USD 3.000
Deadline ba hatama aplikasaun mak loron 24 de Marsu, 2015
Atu hetan informasaun klaru liután kona-ba Programa Premiu Peskiza 2015, bele kontaktu Sra. Bojamma Gandhi no Sr. Filomeno Soares e-mail,
bojamma.gandhi@presidenciarepublica.tl
filomeno.soares@presidenciarepublica.tl

Translating Political Change to Real Change

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Translating Political Change to Real Change

Guteriano Neves

Introduction

The resignation of Prime Minister, Xanana Gusmao, and the appointment of Rui Araujo to the Prime Ministership, once again, sends a positive signal about the maturity of Timor-Leste’s political institutions. This political stability though, needs to be translated into change in people’s real life.

Maturity of Political Institution

Timor-Leste, Dili particularly, has been in anxiety over the last two months over change in the Government. Initially, it was the restructuring that flowed to the public. This was culminated in the official resignation of Xanana Gusmao as Prime Minister. Then, on February 16th, the new Government was sworn in. This is a big move.

The resignation of a Prime Minister might just be a normal undertaking in a country where political system is well-established, and the political institutions are mature to stand tests.

In Timor however, where institutions are relatively young and somewhat untested, this is a big deal. It matters more when a person with strong personal cult like Xanana Gusmao, with all his credentials, decides to step aside. Even more so in a country where legacy of the past still plays hugely important roles in today’s political dynamic.

After all, the global trend is that experiences from many newly independent countries have seen generational leadership transition constantly poses serious threat to political stability. Even democratic elections sometimes resulted in civil war and political stalemate when disputes over elections outcome arise.

Timor-Leste, by its own experience, proves that democracy can exist in a country with the history of almost five centuries colonization, succeeded by almost a quarter of century brutal military occupation. Many testimonies of these recent dark past are still alive. Yet, the 2001, 2002, 2007 and 2012 parliamentary and Presidential elections have been relatively smooth and peaceful. These are indications that Timor-Leste can indeed move forward, and contributing to the international community perception of the country.

The dynamics surrounding the political change has been interesting. One such feature has been the extensive discussion on the constitutionality of the process, which I would rather let constitutional experts to define.

This was, nevertheless, a consensus among the political elites and forces of the country, which was then endorsed by the President. This is an indication that the current political system can accommodate and manage Timor-Leste’s political diversity and differences. This includes political parties in the Parliament, the Parliament, Presidency, and Civil Society.

The role of President Taur Matan Ruak in the process was pivotal, one which he executed with utmost care and achievement. Before the final decision was made, the President convened different consultation meetings with the Council of State, representatives of political parties and other political forces.

Needless to say, many still reserve doubts about the challenges lie ahead for the government, which are immense. Adding to that are high public expectations and the timeframe for this government to deliver. One cannot simply ignore it. However, at least for now, the process ought to deserve its due credits.

In this context, the President was right in stating that while a new government taking office in the middle of its-executive term elsewhere connotes crisis and instability, this very undertaking in Timor-Leste this year is a sign of mature leadership and a proof of institutional stability.

Translating into Real Change

Having mature political institution is one thing; translating it into real change is quite another. For the short term, the political consensus that gives birth to this new government is proved to be important.

But for the majority of people, what is more important is translating this political stability into real impacts on their real lives. After all, for majority of the people outside Dili, who struggle with their daily lives, institutional maturity is meaningless and irrelevant if it doesn’t bear any direct impact on their lives.

President Taur Matan Ruak has made a strong case stating that “the Government has to be an instrument to serve the nation.”

Both the President and Prime Minister Rui Araujo are well-versed on the challenges the country is facing, which were underlined in their speeches at the new government’s inauguration ceremony. The challenges are not new and those that ordinary Timorese are also aware of. In several community dialogues with the President, people talk about such challenges as access to road, dependency on Petroleum, Employment opportunity, quality of education, etc. Acknowledgement of these challenges by the country’s leaders showcases high level commitment, which is positive.

One thing for sure is that these challenges do not take one single solution to solve. Given they are a product of both our history and the current policy, they are solvable through neither a single policy nor a single Government. Rather, they would require multiple actions and long-term approach. State alone cannot solve it. It requires active participation of all actors in the society to address.

It is not an easy undertaking. One important factor, as a Timorese political observer Edio Guterres rightly states; is how to navigate through the elite level political landscape of Timor-Leste. Another equally important aspect is how to deliver what the people expect. The latter is critical because it relates to strengthening political legitimacy in the society. This, in turn, would construct the people’s awareness that the State is not a mere arena for political elites, but it is an agent of change for their lives too.

Conclusion

The resignation of Prime Minister and formation of new Government have taken place smoothly. It is a strong indication that political institution is growing and maturing. What is at stake now is to translate this into real change for people’s lives.

In Spite of His Resignation as Prime Minister, Xanana Gusmão Remains the Epicenter of Timor-Leste’s National Development.

In Spite of His Resignation as Prime Minister, Xanana Gusmão Remains the Epicenter of Timor-Leste’s National Development.

By: Alexandre Rosa Bruno Sarmento

Whether it is acceptable or not, Xanana has resigned from his post as Prime Minister. The resignation would eventually come, but few people expected it would come at this stage. The questions to ask are “Can Timor-Leste really move forward without Xanana at the helm?” and “has this resignation come at the right moment?”

The good news is that in spite of his resignation which saw him moving down the ladder to being just a minister, it is likely that Xanana will continue to play a pivotal role in most of the government’s political agenda. He will continue to be the epicenter, and the main driving force behind most of government’s development policies. Additionally, given his caliber of knowledge, vast array of experiences and leadership, it is inevitable that Xanana would still be consulted in many important and strategic decisions of the government thus making everything revolve around him and flow out from his vision.

It is feasible for Timor-Leste to function without Xanana at the top provided he continues to share inspiration and guidance, even if it is not from the top. This resignation could not have come at a better time than when the present government is halfway through its mandate. It opens up a new beginning in the manner in which government is managed by letting the next generation take over the leadership role while Xanana is exiting in a gradual process. This is a transition of power from the hands of a more experienced senior-influential-historic leader (the so-called generation 75) to a less experienced, less charismatic generation, yet certainly a generation with equal dedication and spirit of service to the nation.

Most segments in Timor-Leste understandably will feel the loss of Xanana’s leadership, particularly those who have enjoyed getting big contracts awarded to them at the mercy of his generous heart but also the general public, common people in rural villages who regarded him, the only big brother, who can bring them out of their poverty. Some veteran’s groups even threatened to take to the road if Xanana’s resignation pushes ahead.

Xanana always listens to his people. He lives and becomes one with them enduring bullets, sunlight, rain and cold in Timor’s mountains and forests for over seventeen years. He gives everything of himself to protect and defend his people. Yet, in spite of his tremendous individual sacrifices that gave impetus to Timor’s independence, he claims “Timor-Leste owes its independence to its people”. Xanana was born to fight and die for his people. He draws his power and strength as a ruler from his people. Vox Populi Vox Dei, Vox Populi Suprema Lex – (the voice of the people is the voice of God, The voice of the people is the highest law) – and the people once again have spoken. They all shouted in chorus: “Maun Boot (Big brother), please, we beg you, don’t step down!. If it’s not you, who else?” Then Xanana responded saying: “My people, if it’s not now, when?”.

Xanana is an excellent leader but he cannot be a leader forever. Nature will eventually take its course. It is due to this fact that Xanana has made his choice. Nonetheless, this is a choice that will give his successor a very hard time because he has set a very high standard of what it means to be a Prime Minister in Timor-Leste. It is one where you have to keep a very delicate balancing act at all time, through provision of equal opportunities to all.

The challenges are numerous, but one that will always haunt a prime minister every night before he sleeps is how best to use the country’s rich petroleum resources in a sustainable fashion to benefit all Timorese, especially those who are poor and feel disenfranchised. What is at stake is how to make development more inclusive through a more participatory process and to avoid a situation where even simple menial works are done by Filipinos, Chinese and Indonesians with Timorese simply becoming a bystander.

Timor-Leste is probably the only country in the world where even toothpicks are imported. If Timor-Leste will have to import most of its consumer goods for many more years to come, for God’s sake, let toothpicks not be one of them. This is a challenge to all Timorese, particularly leaders of private sector and economists who are sometimes too academic and theoretical, lacking pragmatism in their approach.  The toothpick case is but an example of a broader fundamental problem Timor-Leste is facing i.e. the lack of capacity for domestic production, the cost of labor, and its implications for employment and “capital flight” from the non-petroleum sector. A flourishing private sector is a key to unlocking this economic deadlock. The government needs to create a conducive entrepreneurial climate thereby boosting genuine Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) especially in the agriculture sector where more than 70% of the population rely on mere subsistence level. The role of the government must be rather limited to being a facilitator and regulator.

A thriving private sector will be possible when the government considers improving the following areas:

1.      First of all government has to continue investing in basic infrastructure such as roads, bridges, electricity and water supply, and supporting the agriculture sector with irrigation, dams, storage facilities, and extension centers. The investment in this area is a prerequisite for FDI. Previous governments have achieved remarkable results in this area but the planning, execution, monitoring and management of projects have occasionally been deficient due to lack of human resources. Given this scenario there has to be increased training of relevant officers in the area of project management.

2.      Education is the key not only to inclusive development but also to human freedom at personal level. Dr. Amartya Sen, world leading economist and Nobel laureate in economics, defined development as “expansion of human freedom”, freedom to choose from many options in life. This freedom can be widened when a person is well-educated. The government has to advance education system through infrastructure improvement of school buildings and facilities such as libraries and laboratories. It has to continue promoting its scholarship program in highly specialized areas based on a sound analysis and assessment of human resource needs, and it should promote various vocational training centers that could meet the demand for skilled labor. Without a well-qualified workforce, Timorese will continue to be marginalized in various employment opportunities generated by state and private investment.

3.      Agrarian law reform, agrarian regulation and land ownership are priority issues. The law is temporarily pending in the parliament without any serious pressure to push it through. Land disputes resulting from ambiguous ownership will become a great impediment to investment.

4.      The current one stop shop for business registration “SERVE” is a good initiative but is still complicated in many ways. Business registration for foreign companies will still have to go through many layers in SEPFOPE, Foreign Affairs and Immigration thereby making it more than a one-stop-shop experience. Simplifying bureaucratic processes will help boost the Investment in Timor-Leste.

5.      Facilitating access to financial services: strengthening national rural banking that will cater for the financing needs of the farmers and Timor-Leste’s population that live in the rural areas.  This will facilitate credit access for farmers and enable them to participate more actively in the trickledown effect of combined public-private investment.

Finally, Xanana is the principle author of the current long term Strategic Development Plan 2011-2030. It is again, not only a plan of the government but a plan of the people because Xanana himself went around 65 sub-districts (administrative posts) again bracing heat and rains in 2010 to consult and listen to his people before finalizing the plan in mid-2011. Since he will lead the ministry of Planning and Strategic Investment, the implementation of this plan will be in his hands and therefore he will still be indispensable and truly become the epicenter from which everything else emanates.